Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 5

Cai Genyin immediately took out paper and pen and began to write. After a whole day of discussion locked in the room, all three of them had to admit that the landlord class was indeed incapable of leading China to prosperity, because what landlords needed was to maintain social stability, preferably with no change at all. In this way, landlords could enjoy their current lives forever without having to worry about anything else.

Therefore, in the end, Cai Genyin frankly concluded that "rather than discussing why the landlord class should be eliminated, the real discussion was whether or not to enrich the country and strengthen its military, and whether only industrialization could lead to national wealth and military strength?"

The room fell silent for a long time before Qin Dingyi said weakly, "So we discussed it for two nights, but the result turned into whether or not to reject the goal of the Reform Movement?"

With different emotions, the three visited Lin Xinyi for the third time that evening. By this time, the shopkeeper and his assistant at Xiaochuan Wufu Shop were somewhat used to the comings and goings of the three Qing Dynasty people. Seeing the three standing at the street corner, the shopkeeper directly asked his assistant to invite them to wait in the courtyard where Lin Xinyi was staying.

That evening, when faced with the question of whether the three were beginning to doubt their life goals, Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and said, "Whether China wants to become rich and powerful, I think we should first understand what the essence of Western civilization is..."

The three men said they were all ears, so Lin Xinyi began by talking about the Crusades, then the Age of Exploration, the Age of Discovery, the rise of colonialism, the slave trade, and the Industrial Revolution. He ultimately concluded that "in essence, Western civilization is fundamentally about conquest and plunder. Whether it's the art of war, navigation technology, or the Industrial Revolution, they all developed for the purpose of Western civilization's conquest and plunder of the outside world."

Civilizations in other parts of the world, whether they are the Native American civilizations of the Americas, the Indian civilizations of the Indian subcontinent, or the Chinese civilizations of East Asia, are essentially agrarian civilizations, content with a self-sufficient lifestyle. I recall an ancient Chinese poem that aptly describes this agrarian civilization: "Working at sunrise, resting at sunset."

We dig wells to drink from, and till the fields to eat from. What power does the emperor have over us?

Therefore, the Chinese concept of national wealth and military strength is generally based on defense, not invasion of other countries; this is determined by the core of Chinese civilization. However, the Western concept of national wealth and military strength is geared towards preparing for invasion of other countries.

Just look at the Native Americans exterminated by Westerners in the Americas, the Black people kidnapped and sold in Africa, and the Indian farmers who starved to death in India. It becomes clear that if no one had stopped Western civilization from enslaving and massacring people of color, then all other civilizations besides Western civilization would have ended up as artifacts treasured in the British Museum…

That night, the three of them couldn't sleep again. They continued to discuss and ponder the issue of the opposition between Eastern and Western civilizations raised by Lin Xinyi. Although all three felt that the ethics of democracy, freedom, and fraternity mentioned by Western civilization did not sound as aggressive as Lin Xinyi described, they couldn't connect these Western rationalities with what Europeans had done in the Americas, Africa, and Asia.

During the day, after careful discussion, the three men all agreed that the path to national prosperity and military strength could not be abandoned, and that the only way to achieve this was through industrialization, which in turn required the elimination of the landlord class. However, this would at least preserve China's traditional culture.

With this understanding, the three visited Lin Xinyi for the fourth time. Hearing their resolute answer, yet still thinking about preserving traditional Chinese culture, Lin Xinyi remained silent for a long time before asking in return, "What is traditional Chinese culture?"

This time, the three men's answers were remarkably consistent, stating that Confucianism and Mencius's teachings constituted traditional Chinese culture. Lin Xinyi then bluntly pointed out: "Isn't this kind of traditional culture essentially the traditional culture of the landlord class? How can a scholar who emphasizes the hierarchy of ruler and subject, father and son, question his teacher? How can he promote social progress?"

The path to industrialization is not merely about establishing a few factories to manufacture machines, but also about guiding factory production with the mindset of the factory owner, rather than managing workers with the culture of the landlord class. Science teaches that 1 plus 1 equals 2, but in the culture of the landlord class, the answer given by the teacher is the correct answer, because what measures the answer is not science, but power…”

Qin Dingyi was initially somewhat unconvinced, telling Lin Xinyi that traditional Chinese culture wasn't so bad and wouldn't hinder China's industrialization. However, for a time traveler, the merits of traditional culture and so-called social moral concepts that Qin Dingyi mentioned were proven to be illusory in later generations.

Lin Xinyi directly discussed the massacre of Manchus in the Central Plains when the Manchus entered the pass, the suppression of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom by the Manchu government, and the story of Hai Ling, the garrison commander of Zhenjiang, killing Han people first when facing the British attack during the Opium War. He concluded by saying: "Singing praises to executioners and invaders is the traditional culture advocated by the landlord class who worship Confucianism and Mencius."

If what you are trying to protect is this kind of traditional culture, then you are essentially protecting the landlord class. As long as this culture is not eradicated, the landlord class will make a comeback…”

As the debate raged on, Qin Dingyi, who had been rendered speechless, suddenly burst into tears, surprising Lin Xinyi, who then fell silent. He noticed that Tian Bangxuan beside him was also in tears; clearly, they were both struggling to accept the outcome of having their own culture rejected.

Seeing his two companions' emotional state, Cai Genyin, though still relatively calm, had no choice but to hastily end the evening's conversation and return with his companions. Eijiro, noticing the two Qing Dynasty men suddenly burst into tears during their conversation, curiously asked Lin Xinyi the reason. After a few seconds of contemplation, Lin Xinyi replied, "If one day you suddenly discovered that everything around you was just your imagination, would you be sad?"

Eijiro paused for a moment, then replied seriously, "This isn't just a matter of sadness anymore; it's fear."

Lin Xinyi thought about it carefully, then nodded and said, "You're right, this is fear..."

On the fifth night, Tian Bangxuan and the other two did not appear. Lin Xinyi felt somewhat disappointed, but also somewhat relieved. If these ancient people of the Qing Dynasty could not accept the pain of being overthrown, then there was nothing he could do. This only showed that the situation for the Chinese revolution was indeed not yet mature. After all, once those reformers saw the truth, they could still go back to being complacent gentry.

However, on the morning of the sixth day, as he was about to go to school, he encountered three people at the street corner. Tian Bangxuan bowed to Lin Xinyi and thanked him, saying, "These past few days of in-depth conversations with Mr. Lin have made us realize how superficial our understanding of reform had been. Without Mr. Lin's guidance, we would probably still be like headless flies, not knowing how to save our country. Now, we at least know a direction, and no amount of words can express our gratitude to Mr. Lin."

Lin Xinyi glanced at the three of them and asked, "Are you three planning to return to Tokyo?"

Cai Genyin nodded and said, "Our conversation with Mr. Lin has been very beneficial. We hope that our colleagues in Tokyo can also understand Mr. Lin's analysis of China so that we can decide what to do next."

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and then patted Eijiro next to him and said, "Go to school first and ask my homeroom teacher for leave. Tell him I plan to go back to my hometown."

Eijiro glanced at Lin Xinyi, then at the three Qing Dynasty men, and finally nodded before heading to the school. After watching Eijiro leave, Lin Xinyi addressed the three: "Previously, you three have always sought my advice; now, I would like to ask you all for your advice as well. How do you plan to promote China's industrialization?"

Tian Bangxuan looked at Lin Xinyi hesitantly and said, "It's not that we can't tell Lin Jun, it's just that we haven't figured it out ourselves, so we don't dare to delay Lin Jun's studies any further. Besides, wouldn't getting too involved with us cause Lin Jun some trouble?"

The reason the three of them didn't visit Lin Xinyi last night was that after discussing it all day, they came to the conclusion that, given the current situation in China, to promote industrialization and eliminate the landlord class, they had to abandon reformism and embrace violent revolution. Lin Xinyi was, after all, a middle school student, not a ronin, and they didn't want to involve him, which is why they prepared to say goodbye.

If the three had simply left, Lin Xinyi assumed they had ultimately abandoned their plans for violent revolution and wouldn't have done anything unnecessary. However, since they had made up their minds to bid him farewell, he couldn't help but contribute his own strength. It wasn't that he thought he was smarter than these ancient people, but rather that he felt he knew better than them how to organize a revolution—after all, that was what he had learned in his compulsory education.

Besides, if the three hadn't come to him, they might have continued to be peaceful reformists. But now, under his influence, they had leaned towards revolution, so he felt he couldn't shirk some responsibility for them; otherwise, wouldn't it be tantamount to pushing them to their deaths?

Faced with Lin Xinyi's insistence on understanding the three's thoughts, Qin Dingyi gave up his insistence and said directly to his two companions, "I think it's a good thing to have Mr. Lin advise us. Anyway, I think the three of us combined can't compare to Mr. Lin's brain. It's not certain how many people will agree with our proposal when we go back. Rather than going back and discussing with those half-hearted people, it's better to sit down and discuss it with Mr. Lin."

Cai Genyin bowed to Lin Xinyi and said, "Although I am ashamed, we do need Mr. Lin's help..."

Chapter Fifteen: First Encounter

After leading the three back to his room, Lin Xinyi sat down and asked them, "May I ask what your plans are?"

After exchanging glances with his two companions, Tian Bangxuan took out a stack of documents from his briefcase and placed them in front of Lin Xinyi, saying, "These past few days we've been organizing our conversations with Mr. Lin. We plan to take this transcript back to our comrades so we can find those who share our views."

Most of us come from Hunan and Hubei, and are students at the Hunan Current Affairs Academy. Therefore, if we can reach a consensus, we can contact influential figures in Hunan and Hubei to rise up against the imperial court. We have also considered that if we can overthrow the governments of Hunan and Hubei, we can redistribute land to the peasants, thereby gaining their support.

Qin Dingyi continued, “In the past, we thought the country was weak and vulnerable, mainly because the Empress Dowager held absolute power. But now we have figured it out. Not only must the Empress Dowager be overthrown, but the Manchus must also be overthrown, and the Han officials in various places must also be overthrown. Otherwise, it will be impossible to take the path of industrialization.”

Cai Genyin continued, “Although Zhang Zhidong, a member of the Westernization Movement, was enlightened, he ultimately wanted to protect the interests of the landlords. So he established many industries in Hubei, but apart from increasing the burden on the people, we did not see these industries bring any benefits to the people. In the past, we even fantasized that he would be loyal to the emperor and become a powerful figure in the fight against the Empress Dowager’s faction. Now, looking back, it is indeed laughable.”

Lin Xinyi waited for a while, then noticed that all three of them were looking at him. He said with some surprise, "Nothing else? This is your whole plan?"

Tian Bangxuan nodded, not seeing any problem. He continued, "We can consider the specific details when the plan progresses to that stage. Right now, we're all abroad and don't know much about the situation in China, so we can only take it one step at a time."

After thinking for a long time, Lin Xinyi said, “I understand. The revolutionary situation is constantly changing, and plans often can’t keep up with the changes. The current Qing government and the landlord class in China are still quite powerful, while the revolutionary forces are so weak. If we hesitate even for a moment, there may be a large number of traitors. However, precisely because the situation is so bad and the revolutionary forces are so weak, the revolutionary plan must be meticulous. This is the only way to reduce losses.”

After hearing this, Tian Bangxuan lowered his head and said, "Please give me your guidance, Mr. Lin."

Lin Xinyi was very distressed. He originally thought he was there to fill in the gaps in the three men's plan, but he did not expect that the three men had no plan at all. It was clear that although the three men understood the necessity of revolution, they had not grasped the principles of how to carry out a revolution overnight.

However, this was not a problem for Lin Xinyi. The only issue was how to persuade these naive revolutionaries to continue the struggle patiently, rather than choosing an emotionally charged revolutionary approach.

After thinking for a while, he said to the three of them, "As I said before, we are currently facing a great change that has not been seen in three thousand years. China's problems are no longer just problems for the Chinese people, but also problems for the people of the world. When we discussed the Taiping Rebellion, we also said that peasant uprisings like the Taiping Rebellion could no longer change dynasties, because the imperial court could join forces with foreigners to suppress peasant uprisings."

Therefore, the Chinese revolution inevitably had to consider two issues: external interference and the targets of internal struggle. To put it simply, who were the targets of the revolution, and who were its friends? Without clearly distinguishing between enemies and friends, the revolution would either fail or allow a group of counter-revolutionaries to steal the fruits of victory.

After listening to Lin Xinyi's words, Tian Bangxuan nodded and said, "What Mr. Lin said is right. We also know that the target of the revolution is the landlord class. As for the great powers, we are still willing to coexist peacefully with them before we overthrow the landlord class."

Seeing the three men's innocent expressions, Lin Xinyi had to ask in return, "You are willing to coexist peacefully with the great powers, but are the great powers willing to coexist peacefully with you?"

Qin Dingyi asked in surprise, "We are already willing to acknowledge the treaties signed between the foreign powers and the Manchus. Why are the foreign powers interfering in our internal affairs? Aren't the foreign powers the ones who respect treaties the most?"

Lin Xinyi chuckled and shook his head, saying, "You call it respecting treaties when you can force weaker countries and nations to acknowledge agreements that harm their own interests through treaties? No, what the great powers respect is strength and interests. Treaties are used to bind small countries, not large ones. In terms of national strength, China is a small country in the eyes of the great powers. Therefore, China must respect treaties, but the great powers do not need to."

Qin Dingyi said with some dissatisfaction, "China is a country with 4 million people and a territory that stretches for tens of thousands of miles from north to south and east to west. How can it be called small?"

Lin Xinyi said calmly but coldly, "Since Europe was the first to complete the Industrial Revolution in the last century, a country's strength is no longer measured by its land area and population. What determines a country's strength is the various resources that it can quickly mobilize in a war. China lost the First Sino-Japanese War because of this."

A vast territory and a large population only indicate a country's immense potential; they do not guarantee its ability to realize that potential in war. The First Sino-Japanese War had already ended, yet half of China's population remained unaware of its occurrence—this is the greatest weakness of an agricultural nation.

Therefore, a nation's strength lies in its industrial output, not its agricultural output. Only industry can quickly convert output into war resources, while agriculture cannot. From spring sowing to autumn harvest, by the time you reap the next harvest, the enemy's army may already be at the gates of Beijing.

The three finally fell silent. After a while, Tian Bangxuan still said with resentment, "But why do the great powers interfere in China's internal affairs? We have already agreed to accept the unequal treaties we signed with them."

Lin Xinyi gave the three a brief explanation of the capitalist mode of production, and then concluded: "Once the capitalist mode of production is in operation, the desire for capital to increase itself will drive capitalists to constantly seek out sources of raw materials and markets for sales."

Colonialism, which arose with the Age of Exploration and geographical discoveries, was initially driven by the need for raw material sources to satisfy the demands of primitive capitalism. Consequently, Native Americans in the Americas and indigenous peoples of Oceania were exterminated by colonists, who sought the precious metals and valuable resources of these regions to meet their own capital production needs.

However, after the First Industrial Revolution, the advent of the steam engine greatly enhanced the production efficiency of Europe and America. The work that used to require hundreds of people could now be done by a single machine. This explosion of productivity enabled European countries to not only meet the needs of their domestic markets but also to export their products to meet the needs of other countries' markets.

What is a market in the eyes of capital? A market is a group of people who have the ability to consume; a group of people who do not have the ability to consume cannot be called a market. Therefore, although the global population is nearly 20 billion, in the eyes of capitalism, the less than half of the population who can consume are truly valuable.

China has a population of 400 million. Even if only a quarter of them are capable of consuming, that's still 100 million people. This 100 million people represent the consumer market that capitalists need to compete for. Of course, they won't compete for this market peacefully. The great powers used force to open China's doors and then forced the Chinese to consume their goods through unequal treaties.

However, even today, foreign goods consumed in the Chinese market still constitute a very small share of the total domestic consumption. The great powers are not satisfied with this situation; they do not believe that their goods do not meet the needs of the Chinese people, but rather that the unequal treaties signed were insufficient.

Therefore, it was only natural for the great powers to interfere in China's internal affairs, and your desire to coexist peacefully with them was nothing but wishful thinking. I ask you, once China chose the path of industrialization and capitalism emerged, wouldn't you have competed with the great powers for markets and raw material sources? If you didn't, Chinese capitalism would have been the first to die, and then what would be the point of talking about national wealth and military strength?

Tian Bangxuan and the other two felt a chill run down their spines. They thought to themselves that it was fortunate they hadn't left immediately, otherwise they would have really misjudged the attitude of the great powers towards China.

Qin Dingyi suddenly asked softly, "So, does Japan view our country in the same way?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him and asked in return, "Otherwise, why would Japan have fought the First Sino-Japanese War with China?"

Tian Bangxuan looked at Lin Xinyi and asked, "Then why, Mr. Lin?"

Lin Xinyi frankly stated, "Because I believe that this capitalist mode of production, which relies on external plunder and internal oppression, is wrong. But Japan is already in a difficult position to turn back, so I can only hope that China can take a different path."

Cai Genyin finally spoke and asked, "What do you mean by a different path?"

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and shook his head, saying, "I am just a middle school student. Don't you think it's inappropriate for Mr. Cai to ask me such questions? I just feel that this path is wrong, but now all countries in the world are taking this path. Does China dare to start from scratch? If we want to find other paths, China must at least have the strength to protect itself first."

The three exchanged glances. Indeed, Lin Xinyi was just a teenager, though they often forgot this during their conversation. Since Lin Xinyi had no answer to their questions, they had no choice but to put them aside for the time being.

Tian Bangxuan then readjusted the question and asked Lin Xinyi, "So how should we avoid interference from the great powers in order to successfully complete the revolution within China?"

Chapter Sixteen: The Road One

After thinking about Tian Bangxuan's question for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "To avoid interference from the great powers, we must first figure out their ambitions toward China and whether they are actually capable of realizing their ambitions."

Tian Bangxuan suddenly stopped Lin Xinyi and said, "Please wait a moment. Could you give us some pens and paper? I think these things should be recorded to avoid any mistakes."

Qin Dingyi and Cai Genyin also thought this made a lot of sense. The issue now was not whether to eliminate the landlord class, but how to carry out revolutionary practice. At this time, even a few wrong words could cause more deaths.

Lin Xinyi granted the three men's requests, and after organizing his thoughts, he continued, "There are many powers that have ambitions toward China, but the only ones that are truly worth noting are England, France, Germany, Russia, the United States, and Japan."

Cai Genyin gave Lin Xinyi a serious look before writing Japan's name on the paper in front of him. Then Lin Xinyi said, "England is undoubtedly a world-leading power, not only the hegemon of Europe but also the world hegemon. Nearly a quarter of the world's landmass is under British control, and British warships and merchant ships are active in all seven oceans."

England harbored ambitions towards China, and its strength was sufficient to support such ambitions. However, England's population was roughly the same as Japan's, and with such a small population controlling nearly a quarter of the world's landmass and seven oceans, Britain's national power had reached its limit. Therefore, for Britain, maintaining the British Empire's global hegemony was far more important than colonizing China.

So what kind of China could maintain Britain's global hegemony? I believe it would be one where China is not controlled by any power other than Britain. As long as no single power can control all of China, the balance of power among the great powers will not be broken.

Therefore, Britain's foreign policy toward China generally oscillated between maintaining China's nominal unity and dividing spheres of influence. This allowed the major powers, including Britain, to extract benefits from China without allowing any single country to monopolize China's interests.

France harbored ambitions towards China, but as a European land power and an established great power, its interests primarily lay in the Mediterranean region. Lacking naval power, France was at a significant disadvantage when fighting China alone; only with British support could the French achieve victory against China.

Germany's problem was similar to France's: lacking naval power, the Germans harbored ambitions for China, but these ambitions were constrained by the British navy. If conflict broke out between Britain and Germany, Germany's overseas colonies would immediately lose support.

The United States, located in the Americas, is geographically distant from Europe and straddles two oceans. However, its industrial centers are concentrated in the Northeast, where it is completely suppressed by the British Navy. Until a canal connecting the Pacific and the Caribbean is built in Central America, the US Navy cannot gain dominance in the Pacific. This means that America's ambitions towards China can only be based on an open-door policy—coordinating with other powers to launch a unified invasion of China and share the spoils.

Russia, often referred to as the gendarmerie of Europe, is not only a powerful land power but also the only European power that shares a border with China. Its development in Europe is entirely dependent on Western European countries; its northern access to the sea is under threat from Germany, France, and Britain, while its access to the Black Sea is controlled by the Ottoman Empire.

Therefore, gaining access to the Pacific Ocean through the invasion of China was a long-cherished dream for Russia. Russia's strength matched its ambitions towards China, thus fueling a dream of annexing China or at least most of it. It was a true power that desired the destruction of China.

Next is Japan. For a late-developing power like Japan, striving to strengthen itself and avoid becoming prey for other powers is a survival necessity. Therefore, the Japanese will pursue any opportunity to enhance their power. If China cannot demonstrate its ability to defend itself, Japan will want to swallow China first to prevent this piece of meat from falling into the bellies of other powers.

These are the circumstances surrounding six foreign powers that might interfere in China's internal affairs…

Tian Bangxuan's forehead was covered in sweat. He suddenly felt the weather was stiflingly hot. He glanced at Qin Dingyi and Cai Genyin beside him and realized that they were sweating profusely, just like him. There was no more despairing reality than this cruel one, but they had never realized it before.

However, Lin Xinyi remained calm and composed, showing no sign of distress over the situation, which made the three of them feel a little better.

"...However, the capitalist mode of production dictates that the great powers cannot be a monolithic entity. In order to compete for raw material sources and sales markets, the great powers also engage in exclusive competition."

Among these six powers, Britain, France, and Russia can be considered old-established powers that have existed since the rise of colonialism. Therefore, they have the advantage of being pioneers and have already divided up most of the world's suitable colonies.

The United States is a nation of immigrants. A group of European immigrants seized the land of Native Americans and established the country. This means that the United States can acquire raw material sources and consumer markets through internal colonization.

However, Germany and Japan were the last of the great powers to develop. They lacked both domestic sources of raw materials and consumer markets, and needed to expand externally to meet the needs of their capitalist development.

Taking Germany as an example, to the west lies France, to the east Russia, and to the north the sea. Therefore, Germany's outward expansion could only be directed south. What lies to the south of Germany? It is the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ottoman Empire, Persia, and the Indian subcontinent.

In other words, Germany's outward expansion inevitably triggered a balance of geopolitical power in Southern Europe, West Asia, Central Asia, and even South Asia. In 1896, the railway from Berlin through the Bosphorus Strait to Ankara and Konya was completed. This railway signified that Germany's power was moving closer to India, and also meant that the Ottoman Empire was strengthening its control over the Gulf region.

From this moment on, tensions between Germany and Britain, France, and Russia intensified. France's colonies were mainly in the southern Mediterranean, the former territory of the Ottoman Empire. Germany's strengthening of the Ottoman Empire threatened France's colonial rights in North Africa and other regions.

The railway strengthened the connection between the European and Asian parts of the Ottoman Empire, which in turn strengthened the Ottoman Empire's control over the straits. This was clearly contrary to Russia's historical national policy of wanting to acquire the Bosphorus Strait.

Russia's Pan-Slavic policies in Southeast Europe, aimed at controlling the region, not only infringed upon the Austro-Hungarian Empire's sphere of influence but also threatened Germany's railway connections to the Middle East. Furthermore, the extension of German railways into the Gulf region threatened not only the security of the Indian subcontinent but also the Russian-controlled Central Asia.

Therefore, Europe has now formed two camps with differing interests: one consisting of Britain, France, and Russia, and the other of Germany and Austria-Hungary. Unless Germany abandons its own development, the expansion of German power in the Near East and the Middle East will risk war between these two camps.

Britain is a maritime power. Although France swept across Europe during the Napoleonic Wars, it began to decline afterward. Only Germany, since the unification of Germany by Prussia, has seen its national strength steadily rise. Germany's victory in the Franco-Prussian War further solidified the reputation of the German army.

Therefore, if Britain and France wanted to go to war with Germany and Austria-Hungary, they absolutely needed Russia's help, because Russia had the largest army in all of Europe. Only with Russia's participation in this war could Germany's land advantage be suppressed.

From the perspective of the situation in Europe, the Germans are not bothered by Russia's eastward expansion, while Britain and France are anxious about Russia's eastward expansion, because once Russia focuses its attention eastward, Germany will have one less enemy. The more tense the situation in Europe, the more vigilant Britain, France, Germany, and Austria will be about Russia's movements.

Whether the Chinese revolution could succeed depended on the opportunity for war in Europe. When Europe was on the brink of war, Britain and France would certainly not want Russia to focus its attention on the East, while Germany and Austria-Hungary would want Russia to be bogged down in a protracted war in the East.

In other words, to ensure European victory, the European powers would temporarily loosen their control over China, allowing it some opportunities for development. Their aim in giving China these opportunities was to either drive the Russians back or keep them bogged down in the East.

Cai Genyin couldn't help but ask, "What about Japan? Surely Japan won't just stand by and watch the show?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him, nodded and said, "If China cannot shoulder the task of resisting the Russians' southward advance, then the great powers will support Japan in fighting Russia, and the reward for Japan will be China's three northeastern provinces."

However, this war was a double-edged sword for Japan. Not only would it deplete Japan's national strength, causing it to miss a crucial period for development, but it would also result in enormous casualties. In the end, it would only be commoners like us who would die, while powerful clans would rise to power and wealthy tycoons would amass fortunes in Northeast China.

Therefore, the success of the Chinese revolution is not only for the benefit of the Chinese people, but also for the benefit of the Japanese people. I do not want you to cause the revolution to fail for some utterly ridiculous reason.

It was only then that Cai Genyin truly trusted Lin Xinyi, as he had previously found it hard to believe that a Japanese person would oppose Japan's external expansion. It wasn't until Lin Xinyi's analysis of the world situation that he realized the other man genuinely had his own ideas.

Chapter Seventeen: The Road II

Tian Bangxuan suddenly felt as if the pen in his hand weighed a ton, and he cautiously inquired about the internal path of the Chinese revolution. Lin Xinyi pondered this question for a longer time, but all three waited patiently, seemingly believing that the other would provide an answer.

Lin Xinyi indeed lived up to their expectations and said, "Class, I think we should first understand what the basis of a class's existence is before we can discuss how to eliminate it."

I believe that the foundation of a class's existence must consist of three parts: the first is the material resources possessed by that class; the second is the rights granted to that class by the state; and the third is the influence of that class's culture on society.

I believe the three foundations corresponding to the landlord class are land, the imperial examination system, and Confucianism. Eliminating the landlord class actually means eliminating the land ownership system, the imperial examination system, and Confucianism that protected the interests of the landlords.

Without land ownership that benefited landlords, they could no longer control the peasants, meaning the new state could implement its policies without relying on landlords; without the imperial examination system, the landlord class could no longer monopolize government positions, and thus could no longer use the state as a violent machine to suppress other classes; without Confucianism, the landlord class lost its voice in society, thereby granting freedom of thought to the people…

Cai Genyin interjected, somewhat taken aback, "Does that mean we shouldn't resort to violence?"

Lin Xinyi immediately said, “Violence is certainly necessary, because the landlord class will not voluntarily give up its rights and quietly step down from the stage of history. But violence is not the solution to the problem. Violence is used to deal with those forces or people who try to obstruct us from eliminating the landlord class.”

Tian Bangxuan greatly appreciated Lin Xinyi's words, saying, "What Mr. Lin said resonates with me. Indeed, what we need to eliminate is the landlord class, not just people."