Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 30

At least the Qing officials had the support of the imperial court; if the common people disobeyed their orders, they would be punished by the government. But what about us? If we don't have the support of the masses, can we punish them? Can we still call ourselves a revolutionary party?

Workers are human beings too; they can think. Therefore, they can see for themselves whether we are truly protecting their interests. Simply rallying them with slogans will only result in empty promises.

Yang Quyun glanced around and, seeing no one speak, hesitated before saying, "I also support uniformity, but most of our Party members come from educated backgrounds and have never done manual labor since childhood. I don't think some Party members truly despise manual labor; they just genuinely don't know how to do it. We can educate Party members, but we should also differentiate between them. Some Party members do some writing and propaganda work very diligently; that can't be considered detached from labor, can it?"

Finally, a few party members spoke up and echoed Yang Quyun's words. They also thought that Yang Quyun was right. At the very least, there should be a division of labor in the revolution. It would be a waste of talent to make those who do writing work participate in physical labor as well.

After listening to the opinions of these Party members, Tian Junyi shook his head and insisted: "Some people say that they can sacrifice their lives for the revolution, but they can't do physical labor. Do you think this is reasonable? I insist that Party members must participate in labor, unless they are in special circumstances. I still maintain that revolution is about transformation, not only transforming others, but also transforming ourselves. If we can't even transform ourselves, how can we talk about transforming others? If some comrades really can't accept this, then they can withdraw from the Party."

Tsai E thought for a moment and said, “I think this is a matter of principle. It is unacceptable for members of the Labor Party to oppose participation in labor. I propose a vote to decide whether or not party members should be separated from labor.”

As Cai E raised his hand, Tian Junyi followed suit, and the others joined in. After the resolution was passed, Tian Junyi continued, "I have another suggestion. The Party cannot remain at the stage of investigation and propaganda work. I suggest we send Party members to factories, villages, and the army to establish trade unions, farmers' associations, and soldiers' reading groups..."

Although they hadn't slept most of the night, Tian Junyi and several party members had a detailed discussion on how to organize trade unions, peasant associations, and soldiers' reading groups. The biggest problem in organizing trade unions was how to deal with the secret society members who controlled the workers; organizing peasant associations was how to deal with the gentry's control over the countryside; and establishing soldiers' reading groups mainly focused on how to avoid being seen by the officers.

On his way back to Wuhan from Beijing last December, the Workers' Party held a party congress in Shanghai, electing Tian Junyi, Qin Lishan, Tang Caichang, Cai E, Yang Quyun, and Lin Feng as members of the Central Presidium Executive Committee. Lin Feng was elected mainly because the Workers' Party's organizational philosophy and institutional ideas were entirely derived from him, especially his series of commentaries published in the National Daily, which attracted a large number of young people.

However, the other five people were actually in charge of party organizational affairs. Among them, Tian Junyi did the most work, Qin Lishan was more concerned with propaganda, Tang Caichang and Cai E were more concerned with military affairs, and Yang Quyun was mainly responsible for economic work. The party had decided to elect him as the head of the Hankou branch of the Central Bank to build an economic backing for the Workers' Party.

As a result, the core of the party gradually rallied around Tian Junyi, which is why he was able to lead the construction of labor unions, farmers' associations, and soldiers' reading groups. Although the work inside and outside the party was quite heavy, Tian Junyi's mental state was much better than in Tokyo. Even after only a few hours of rest, Tian Junyi was still full of energy.

After arriving at his office in Xiakou Hall early in the morning, he received a text message from Wilhelm Siemens. After greeting his colleagues, he headed to the German Concession. In front of the foyer of the garden villa rented by Siemens, Wilhelm Siemens stood on the steps to welcome him and posed a question: "If the two sides were to begin cooperation, where would you intend to start?"

After thinking for a moment, Tian Junyi said, "I think we should first set new standards for the Luhan Railway as the standard for China's first trunk railway."

After thinking for a moment, William Siemens said, "It's that railway we've been seeing? But hasn't construction already begun? If we set standards now, the company responsible for building the railway will probably find it hard to accept."

Tian Jun looked at him and said, "I've always thought it was utter nonsense to have the Belgians build such an important railway. Belgium isn't a particularly outstanding industrial country; it's just a European country."

The Belgians will ruin this railway, so we must take advantage of the fact that we can still salvage it and force them to either build it according to our requirements or simply abandon it, in which case we will take it back and then cooperate with Siemens to complete it.

Of course, we need Siemens to provide sufficient technical upgrades to the Hanyang Ironworks. Inspections of the ore from our Daye iron mine revealed high phosphorus content, a fact that the British, who helped us build the Hanyang Ironworks, failed to point out, causing us significant losses. We hope Siemens can help us solve this problem and establish a steelmaking workshop, transforming it into a large-scale plant with an annual production capacity of 10 tons of steel.

William Siemens smiled and said, "A steel production capacity of 10 tons is hardly considered a large-scale plant. With your country's population, you would need at least a dozen steel plants with an annual output of one million tons to barely meet your needs. Of course, it would be good to first establish a 10-ton-level steel plant and train the staff. Our country has extensive experience with iron ore with high phosphorus content. I wish us a pleasant cooperation."

Seeing William's outstretched right hand, Tian Junyi also extended his own hand, shook it firmly, and said, "I prefer successful cooperation."

After leaving the German concession with William Siemens, Tian Jun, sitting in a horse-drawn carriage, began to ponder whether he should write a letter to Lin Xinyi to tell him that everything was going smoothly on his end.

At this time, Lin Xinyi was adapting to the new era of the newly appointed principal, Togo. Compared with Principal Kawahara, who was planning to retire and therefore allowed his actions to be more permissive, Togo Masamichi still had ambition. For example, after taking office, he always wanted to bring the naval seminar under the management of the school, which forced Lin Xinyi to fight against him.

Of course, this struggle took place under the condition that Togo could not fully exercise his power as principal. If Togo could fully utilize his power as principal, even the Naval Symposium would not be able to continue, let alone the struggle. What Togo actually wanted was the influence of the Naval Symposium organization. Although the Naval Symposium had only been established for a little over a year, its future certainly looked bright.

Even graduates don't forget their identity as naval seminar participants, because this identity allows them to find a horizontal organization within the navy and expand their network. Even Togo, as the principal, finds it hard to resist this temptation. The difference in status between the principal and the cadets can only lead to a broad range of connections, which cannot exceed the scope of conflicting interests.

However, the naval seminar, through discussions on various topics, brought together cadets with similar ideas, and this relationship, built on shared ideals, was naturally closer than that of ordinary classmates or alumni. Once these cadets graduated and were assigned to the navy, they quickly became invaluable assistants to Togo.

In the Japanese military, rank alone is not enough to truly command the soldiers below. The real control over the troops comes from the mid-level officers, namely colonels and lieutenants; they are the nerve center that controls the lower-ranking soldiers.

Chapter 103 The Victory of the Military Command

In late April, the power struggle between Lim Shin-yi and Togo Masamichi over control of the naval seminar came to an end. Togo Masamichi invited Lim Shin-yi into his office and informed him that "Vice Minister Kawon's plan to rebuild the South Korean Navy has been approved. Next week, Vice Minister Kawon will be traveling to North Korea, and he will stop by Eta Island to meet with you."

Lin Xinyi now understood why Togo Masamichi had invited him to the principal's office for the first time since taking office. It seemed that the political struggle in Tokyo had already decided the outcome, and Togo was about to make his stance clear.

After a moment's hesitation, Togo Masamichi continued, "Perhaps we had a small misunderstanding before, but I don't think these misunderstandings are enough to put the school and the naval seminar at odds, is that right?"

Lin Xinyi said respectfully, "Of course, the Naval Research Institute has always pursued self-management and self-learning among its members. We can understand the concerns of the school, but we always believe that the school should not interfere in the internal affairs of the Naval Research Institute, because our philosophy is to strengthen the navy, not destroy it."

Although Masamichi Togo felt that the matter of a powerful navy was still too far removed from the students, and that they should now obediently follow the school's teachings, diligently learn how to command warships, and learn how to obey orders from superiors, he also knew that the boy in front of him was an exception. At least one student who could offer advice to the Naval Command had clearly begun to influence the navy's decision-making level.

Yes, what made Togo Masamichi yield to Hayashi Shin-yi was not Kawahara Yoichi, but the will of the entire Naval General Staff. Kawahara Yoichi, who had just been promoted to Vice Minister of the Naval General Staff, won the support of the entire Naval General Staff with his proposed plan to rebuild the South Korean Navy. He even had a fierce conflict with Saito Makoto, the Vice Minister of the Navy, but the conflict ended with the Navy Ministry's surrender.

This was the first time that the Naval General Staff's proposals had directed the high-ranking Ministry of the Navy, establishing the Naval General Staff's authority. It's important to understand that the Naval General Staff had historically been a transparent entity within the military. Although, like the Army General Staff, it was an institution directly subordinate to the Emperor, the Army General Staff could at least intervene directly in various units in the Emperor's name. The Navy's Naval General Staff, however, couldn't even get the opportunity to advise the Emperor, because the Ministry of the Navy stood between the Naval General Staff and the Emperor.

Kawahara's proposal this time caused an unimaginable shock to the Navy, because it overturned the Navy's command structure, changing the command hierarchy from Emperor-Ministry of the Navy-Naval General Staff to Emperor-Ministry of the Navy-Naval General Staff. The Naval General Staff took a significant step forward on the path to becoming equal in status to the Ministry of the Navy, which naturally earned Vice Minister Kawahara unanimous support from the Naval General Staff.

At this time, if someone within the Navy were to clash with Kawahara Kaname, it would inevitably be seen by the Naval General Staff as a provocation against the entire Naval General Staff and an act of standing up for the Ministry of the Navy. Togo Masamichi could not withstand the pressure from the Naval General Staff; after all, he was not like the Finance Minister, and did not have the full protection of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. Hayashi Shin'yō was clearly Kawahara's protégé, so he could not be allowed to interfere in this naval seminar.

Togo Masamichi lowered his tone and said, "Of course the school can see this. Therefore, I have decided to reinstate Professor Abe's courses. In addition, the school has decided to add a course on Nanyang History and Geography, which will officially begin next month..."

Inside the Tokyo Naval General Staff building, Kawahara Yoichi was receiving congratulations from his subordinate officers. According to one officer, "This is truly unprecedented; the Naval General Staff now has its own independent budget."

There was nothing more gratifying for the entire Naval General Staff than this. Even before the budget was secured, many officers had already suggested that a new office building for the General Staff should be designed, and as for its location, the farther away from the Ministry of the Navy, the better. The Ministry of the Navy and the Ministry of the Army were both located near Kasumigaseki to demonstrate their importance by being close to the Emperor, but this was unnecessary for the Naval General Staff. What they wanted now was to break free from the control of the Ministry of the Navy, so naturally, the farther away from Kasumigaseki, the better.

While his subordinates congratulated Kawahara, Ito Sukeyuki summoned him. Through this experience of submitting the plan to the Imperial Household, the two had forged a close relationship. After all, this was about expanding the power of the Military General Staff, and Ito Sukeyuki was, in fact, the biggest beneficiary, which created a rift between him and Yamamoto.

However, for Ito Sukeyuki, once a decision is made, there is no room for hesitation. He is only concerned about whether Kawahara Yoichi can implement the plan, so he called Kawahara over to give him a few instructions.

Facing the beaming Kawahara Yoichi, Ito Sukeyuki remained remarkably calm. He addressed the vice minister before him, saying, "Although our plan has received the approval of the Imperial Household Agency and the support of Prime Minister Ito, let's not be too happy yet."

Kawahara's smile faded, and he said to Ito Sukeyuki with a serious expression, "Please give your instructions, Minister."

Ito Sukeyuki looked at him and said, "Gonbei was my junior when we were at the naval training center, so I know his personality quite well. Although he's a bit eccentric, he has good judgment."

This time, he sent Saito Minoru to argue with you. On the surface, it was to express his dissatisfaction with the Naval General Staff submitting the plan to the Imperial Household Department alone, but in reality, he wanted to first show the differences between the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff.

So, if your negotiations in North Korea fail this time, what do you think Kwon Bing-wai will do?

Kawahara Yoichi was about to express his opinion, but looking at Ito Sukeyuki's eyes, he hesitated for a moment, then changed his words, "Does the minister mean that Minister Yamamoto will take advantage of my failure to seize control of the plan?"

Ito Sukeyuki looked at him meaningfully and said, "The Naval General Staff's independent budget is based on this plan. If the Ministry of the Navy takes over this plan, then the independent budget will disappear. I heard that some people in the department have already started looking for suitable sites to build the Naval General Staff building. Some people think Shinagawa seems like a good location. If you mess this up, I guess your days at the Naval General Staff will be very difficult from now on..."

Having received advice from Ito Sukeyuki, Kawahara Yoichi finally calmed down. After leaving the minister's office, he immediately re-examined his trip to Korea, no longer considering it an easy one. After all, apart from the Navy Ministry, which was waiting for him to make a mistake, the Army was also quite averse to the plan.

Chief of the General Staff Oyama Iwao believed that the navy was simply acting recklessly. The Korean Peninsula was already in chaos due to Russian intervention, and now they wanted to strengthen the North Korean navy, wouldn't that make the situation on the Korean Peninsula even more complicated? Moreover, once the North Korean navy was fully formed, Japan would inevitably be the first to be threatened, because Russia would have no important targets to attack in the Far East.

However, Yamagata's attitude was not resolute, and Vice Chief of Staff Tamura Isozo was not very confident about the chances of winning a war with Russia, believing that it would be better to ease the current situation on the Korean Peninsula. After all, the Russians had greatly strengthened their influence in North Korea through the relocation of the Russian embassy and had already begun to help North Korea build its army.

Although the Russians didn't have good intentions—the Korean army was quite weak and seemed more like bait thrown out to Korea than a genuine attempt to help defend themselves—Russia's expansionist activities on the Korean Peninsula were constantly pushing Japan and Russia closer to a state of war. This was especially true after Russia seized control of Manchuria through the North China Incident, further increasing the likelihood of war.

At this time, Yamagata, who had always insisted that the Korean Peninsula was the lifeline and Manchuria was the interest line, softened his stance first and even proposed the idea of ​​exchanging Manchuria and South Korea in order to avoid a real war with Russia.

Yamagata's concessions were due to two main reasons: firstly, the poor domestic economy; and secondly, Russia's mobilization of nearly 20 troops to occupy Manchuria made the army realize that even without the completion of the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Russian army's strength in the Far East was far beyond what the army could handle in peacetime. The scale of the Russo-Japanese War exceeded the Japanese army's initial expectations, and like the Sino-Japanese War, it was a major war that required Japan's full commitment.

It can be said that the Russian military's actions in Manchuria during the Northern Qing Incident inadvertently exposed the true extent of Russia's Far Eastern military capabilities, forcing the army to revise its operational plans. Before these revised plans were finalized, conflict between Japan and Russia was naturally to be avoided as much as possible.

Of course, this was only the opinion of Yamagata and other high-ranking army officers. For the lower and middle ranks of the army, the Russian actions in Manchuria and the Korean Peninsula were tantamount to a declaration of war against Japan. Japan's current task was to retaliate, to wage war, not to ease tensions on the Korean Peninsula. Naturally, the navy's plans would not be accepted by these army officers, and covert obstruction was inevitable.

With this mix of anxiety and anticipation, Kawahara left Tokyo and embarked on his journey to the Korean Peninsula. He made a brief stop in Hiroshima, visiting Etajima to meet with Hayashi Shin'ichi, hoping to discuss his plans. Although he knew Hayashi Shin'ichi couldn't offer much practical help right now, it was still good to have someone to discuss the plans with, since Kawahara currently had no comrades to confide in.

The meeting place was still Togo's principal's office. Although it was now Togo's territory, Kawahara noticed that the office hadn't changed much, except for a few more of Togo's personal belongings. Kawahara was satisfied with this, as it showed that Togo hadn't resorted to any tricks like forgetting him after leaving.

Although they met in Togo's office, after chatting for a while, Togo went out to run errands, giving the two some time to talk privately. Hayashi Shin-yi took the opportunity to listen to Kawahara Yoichi's plans and his thoughts on the trip to the Korean Peninsula.

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "Principal, your idea is good, but if we implement it according to your idea, I'm afraid North Korea will adopt a delaying tactic."

Kawahara asked, somewhat puzzled, "Why? My proposed naval reconstruction plan has already given the Korean royal family a lot of power. Why are they delaying? If the Ministry of the Navy were to get involved, they might not even have the right to interfere with this navy."

Lin Xinyi looked at He Yuan and said, "The key issue isn't whether the Korean royal family has the authority to interfere with the navy, but whether you, Principal, have the ability to exert pressure on the Korean royal family. At least in my view, the General Staff currently doesn't have that authority, but the Ministry of the Navy does. Therefore, the Korean royal family might not dare to risk offending the Russians, the Army Ministry, and the Navy Ministry by accepting your proposal..."

Chapter 104

Kawahara Yoichi was no longer so optimistic. He turned to Hayashi Shin-yi and said, "Delay? We definitely can't let the Koreans delay any longer. The Navy Ministry is watching me closely. If we can't reach a result soon, they'll definitely seize control of this plan. Do you think there's any way to get the Koreans to agree?"

After a moment of silence, Lin Xinyi said, "Of course there is a way. We just need to find the Korean independence forces that oppose the Russians and Japanese, and then persuade the Korean king through them. In order to achieve the independence of the Korean people, I think they should not refuse an opportunity to strengthen the Korean people's military power."

"What?" Kawahara almost thought he had misheard, but seeing Lin Xinyi's calm eyes, he realized what was going on and said with a hint of anger, "Do you even know what you're saying? I'm not someone who would betray the country's interests for personal gain."

Lin Xinyi said calmly, "Why would the principal think that supporting the independence forces in Korea would be betraying Japan's interests?"

Kawahara frowned and said, "Isn't that so?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him and said, "Didn't we discuss this plan before? Even if all of North Korea's finances were invested in the navy, it wouldn't pose any danger to the Japanese navy. On the contrary, the navy's drain on North Korea's finances would force North Korea to reform, making it more civilized. Has this conclusion changed now that North Korean nationalists have taken control of the navy?"

After a moment's hesitation, Kawahara Yoichi said, "Although nothing has changed, wouldn't allowing Korean nationalists to control such a force pose a threat to the Empire's control over Korea? Even if there is no threat, it will still create more trouble."

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "I don't think there will be any threat. What threat can a country's navy pose to land dominance? Without the support of ports, what power does the navy have?"

As for trouble, that's between the army and the Russians. Given the current situation on the Korean Peninsula, it's better for the army to deal with North Korean nationalists than to have them deal with the Russians.

The General Staff should not only command our own fleet, but also our enemies. In my view, a controlled Korean nationalist independence force is far easier to deal with than an uncontrollable anti-Japanese group; at least we know who our enemy is and what they are doing.

Kawahara Yoichi found it difficult to accept Hayashi Shinichi's idea, but at this crucial moment, he could not afford to think too much about it. After all, for him, this trip to Korea could not fail, so he had to temporarily accept the other party's idea.

Kawahara then changed the subject, saying, "But my actions in Korea cannot be kept secret from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Army, because I will inevitably need their support. The Navy doesn't have any bases in Korea right now. If I do this, Tokyo will know what I'm doing the next day."

Lin Xinyi sighed, knowing he could only continue to offer empty promises to Kawahara. He said to him, "Therefore, we need to give the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Army a reason, a reason for them to help you."

Kawahara Yoichi thought Lin Xinyi was simply dreaming. How could the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Army willingly dig a hole for themselves? However, seeing Lin Xinyi's serious expression, he chose to continue to trust him. "Do you have such a reason?"

Lin Xinyi said without changing his expression, "We can make one up for them."

Kawahara was speechless for a while before finally saying, "This isn't something you can just make up and get away with, is it?"

Lin Xinyi said shamelessly, "Our country's diplomacy has never had any independent judgment. In the past, whatever the elders said was law; now, whatever international law says is law. That's why the Army dares to override the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and formulate national policies on its own. Because the Army knows that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in order to cover up its incompetence, will definitely choose to follow the Army's direction. They call this 'putting the overall situation first.'"

For diplomats who prioritize the big picture, all we need to do is give them a general overview, and they'll naturally jump in. Therefore, we don't need to be overly technical, because while these Ministry of Foreign Affairs bureaucrats may lack direction, they are quite knowledgeable in international law. Once they accept our overall perspective, they will naturally seek international legal support for it.

Kawahara was somewhat disappointed with Lin Xinyi's idea. He didn't want to hear an unrealistic lie and then use that lie to deceive North Korean diplomats and army generals; that would only make him look like a fool. However, since things had already come to this point, he had no choice but to ask perfunctorily, "How do you plan to lie? No, how do you plan to make it up? Never mind, just tell me your reasons."

Lin Xinyi seemed oblivious to Ha Won's discontent; instead, he became excited and blurted out, "Korean nationalists don't actually believe that Korea can achieve independence on its own. They always pin their hopes on foreign friends to help them, whether it's Americans, British, Chinese, or Russians."

However, these South Korean nationalists still have a basic understanding: they know that South Korea's neighbors are China and Japan, and Russia is not really a neighbor because Russia and South Korea have completely different cultures, customs, and ethnicities…

Kawahara nodded slightly, agreeing with Lin Xinyi's points. However, he was unsure of what Lin Xinyi was trying to say. Nevertheless, he refrained from interrupting Lin Xinyi, as this was a matter of respect.

Lin Xinyi quickly stated, "We can conclude that if South Korea loses China's sympathy, then Japan's annexation of Korea will face no obstacles, no matter how much the Russians try to stop it. This is because the Russians are not part of the traditional cultural sphere of East Asia and cannot provide cultural support to the Koreans."

Without this cultural support, Koreans cannot find a sense of identity in East Asia unless they completely transform themselves into Russians. A Korea simultaneously viewed with hostility by both Japan and China is practically impossible to sustain.

Therefore, to isolate pro-Russian elements in South Korea, the first step is to establish an anti-Russian public opinion atmosphere in Japan, China, and South Korea. This means that the independence of East Asian culture should supersede the legitimacy of any particular dynasty's rule.

To defend the traditional culture of East Asia, Japan, China, and South Korea should establish a cultural alliance to counter Russian Orthodoxy and Western Christianity. Once this cultural alliance is established, it will inevitably evolve into a political and military alliance—an alliance between Japan, China, and South Korea to resist Russian invasion.

As the most civilized nation in East Asia, Japan naturally became the obvious leader of this anti-Russian alliance. So what were the benefits of this anti-Russian alliance? First, it isolated Russia in East Asia; second, it prevented Japan from confronting Russia alone; and finally, it allowed the Tripartite Alliance to broaden its objectives beyond the conflicts in Korea and Manchuria.

Kawahara's interest was finally piqued, and he pressed Hayashi Shinichi for an answer: "A bigger goal? What is that?"

Lin Xinyi turned to look at the map on the wall, stood up again, took a red pencil from the principal's desk, and began to draw a diagram on the map.

"We can see that Russia's power in the Far East does not actually depend on its operations, but on the Chinese Eastern Railway that is under construction. It is this T-shaped Chinese Eastern Railway that allows Russia to bypass its operations in Manchuria and directly cross the Manchurian land from Heilongjiang, Manzhouli, and Vladivostok to appear in Dalian and Lushun."

Russia competes with my country for the Korean Peninsula because the Korean Peninsula, like a sharp knife, separates Vladivostok and Port Arthur, thus dividing Russia's influence in the Far East. The two can only communicate through the Chinese Eastern Railway.

However, we can also use the Korean Peninsula to directly penetrate the heart of Manchuria, attack Harbin, the hub of the Chinese Eastern Railway, thereby completely dividing and encircling Russia's Far Eastern forces, and then eliminating their manpower.

Therefore, the conflict between Russia and China is about territorial interests, and the conflict with our country is essentially about protecting Russia's sphere of influence in the Far East. However, this move by Russia is tantamount to simultaneously regarding Japan and China as enemies, which has created a major problem for Russia's defense in the Far East.

If Russia were to attack China or Japan, it would inevitably expose its weakness: the protection of the Chinese Eastern Railway. Given Russia's operations in the Far East and the current level of development in Manchuria, there were very few industrial and logistical bases capable of supplying hundreds of thousands of Russian troops. The Russians had to rely on the Chinese Eastern Railway to distribute these supplies to their troops throughout Manchuria.

Therefore, an opportunity arose for both Japan and China. If Russia attacked Korea, China could break through from Outer Mongolia and cut off the Middle East Railway; if Russia attacked Inner and Outer Mongolia, and even Shanxi and North China, Japan could attack Harbin from Korea and advance along the railway all the way to Lake Baikal. This railway could also become an aid to Japan's offensive.

If Russia's Far East forces are annihilated by a combined Japanese and Chinese force, then Russia, from Central Siberia eastward, will become a naked beauty at the mercy of others. In this war, Japan's minimum objective should be the region east of Lake Baikal, and its maximum objective should be to liberate Central Asia and a small part of Western Siberia together with China, thereby securing a foothold in the Caspian Sea.

I believe the Army will not refuse this grand plan. And the Ministry of Foreign Affairs will not reject the proposal for a Japan-China-Korea cultural alliance. This is why they can assist you, Principal.”

Kawahara stared at the map for a long time before finally turning his gaze to Lin Xinyi. After scrutinizing him for a while, he said distrustfully, "Did you just make this up? I don't believe it. You must have thought about it for a long time, right?"

Lin Xinyi: "..."

Chapter 105 Restlessness

The following morning, Togo Masamichi saw Kawahara Yoichi off onto the ship. What intrigued him was that Kawahara Yoichi had looked somewhat anxious when he arrived, but when he left, he seemed relaxed and even took a map from his office.

Although he was somewhat curious about the conversation between Kawahara and Hayashi Shin'ichi, Togo refrained from asking and simply said politely to Kawahara, who was preparing to board the ship, "I wish Vice Minister a smooth journey to Korea."

Kawahara shook hands with him and said, "I already had a feeling that everything I do in North Korea will go smoothly. You're doing well at the school too. If there's an opportunity, let's continue working together."

Togo Masamichi didn't quite understand Kawahara's words until he saw Kawahara off to the ship and returned to the academy. It then dawned on him that Kawahara meant he could advance further, thus securing the vice-commander's position for him. This actually conflicted with his planned career path, because after reaching the rank of Rear Admiral, he intended to move from the Naval Academy to the fleet, as promotion to Vice Admiral was faster within the fleet.

However, if one could go directly from the principal to the Naval General Staff as a vice minister, it would mean having access to the decision-making level. Even the commander of the standing fleet, because he lived on the ship for a long time, had the nominal right to participate in decision-making, but in reality he could only obey the consensus reached by the Minister of the Navy and the Chief of the Naval General Staff. Since two of the three naval officers had reached a consensus, the other one naturally had to obey.

Therefore, Kawahara's proposal was also tempting to him. However, the Naval General Staff was currently in the midst of a struggle with the Navy Ministry, and he needed to wait and see whether he should step into this vortex.

As Togo Masamichi reconsidered his career path, Yamamoto Gonbei was knocking on Ito Sukeyuki's office door. To be honest, this was the first time Yamamoto had appeared here since becoming a minister, and he was actually sighing inwardly.

As the highest-ranking officer in the navy, the Minister of the Navy should, frankly, not meet with the Minister of the Naval General Staff. Although they are equals in the eyes of the Emperor, the status of the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff is far different. Before Kawahara Yoichi took over as Vice Minister of the Naval General Staff, the position of Vice Minister of the Naval General Staff was concurrently held by Rear Admiral Izuha Shigeto, Director of the Naval Affairs Bureau. This personnel arrangement shows that the Ministry of the Navy is superior to the Naval General Staff.

The arrangement of Rear Admiral Dewa Shigeto concurrently serving as Vice Chief of the Naval General Staff was actually intended to allow Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to control the Naval General Staff. This was because Ito Sukeyuki was not only more senior than Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, but also possessed the illustrious record of being the first Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet in the Battle of the Yellow Sea. Even if Ito complied with Saigo Tsugumichi's demands and acknowledged Yamamoto Gonnohyōe as the new core of the Navy, it didn't mean that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could arbitrarily command his senior.

Therefore, the best approach is to separate Ito Sukeyuki from the Naval General Staff. While respecting Ito Sukeyuki's seniority in the Navy in form, the actual affairs of the Naval General Staff are managed directly by personnel appointed by the Ministry of the Navy. This achieves unification within the Navy and establishes the authority of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe as the new core figure.

Generally speaking, Ito Sukeyuki was not a power-hungry person. He was known in the Navy for delegating authority to his subordinates, focusing only on the big picture, which was the opposite of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's meticulous nature. Therefore, under this personnel arrangement, the two sides remained at peace. Yamamoto didn't need to visit Ito at the Naval General Staff; he could directly instruct the Director of the Military Affairs Bureau, Izuha Shigeto. Ito Sukeyuki also didn't visit Yamamoto, delegating all matters to the Naval General Staff. They only met briefly at departmental meetings, so there were no conflicts.

However, with Saigo Tsugumichi's announcement, Kawahara Yoichi replaced Dewa Shigeto as Vice Chief of the Naval General Staff, and the previously unified structure of the Navy began to shift again. The Naval General Staff once again showed signs of independence, and this time it was put into action. At this point, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could no longer issue orders to the Naval General Staff through Saitō Makoto or Dewa Shigeto, or make suggestions to Ito Sukeyuki through them.

When the Ministry of the Navy needed to express its opinion on behalf of the Navy, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had to personally meet with Ito Sukeyuki to seek his support. This effectively meant that the Ministry of the Navy had lost control of the Naval General Staff. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe quite disliked this, but he had no choice but to come because the current diplomatic situation facing Japan made him feel that the Navy needed to express its stance. Without Ito Sukeyuki's support, he could not persuade Saigo Tsugumichi and express the Navy's position.

Although Ito Sukeyuki was somewhat surprised by Yamamoto Gonbei's visit, he did not act smugly. In his own opinion, Yamamoto Gonbei was not of the same generation as him and Saigo, but rather of the same generation as Kawahara Kaname. Therefore, he did not feel that Yamamoto's visit was an attempt to suppress him, as that would be beneath him.

After inviting him to sit in the reception area, Ito Sukeyuki casually inquired about Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's purpose for visiting. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, having no intention of engaging in a lengthy discussion, stated directly, "I've come to seek your support on the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. According to news from London, the British are extremely favorable towards the alliance; they are even willing to transfer more naval technology. This is a golden opportunity. If the cabinet continues to be ambiguous on the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, we may miss this chance."

Ito Sukeyuki actually supported the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, but he knew that what Yamamoto needed was not his personal statement, but rather his support for the Ministry of the Navy as the Chief of the Naval General Staff. These were two different things.

After pondering for a moment, he said, "Regarding the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Lord Saigo's opinion is that it's best to wait a bit longer. The Naval Construction Headquarters' recent research on new warships seems to be moving towards a consensus. A new main battleship with a unified main gun caliber and barrel length will become the future trend of navies around the world, but no country has yet put forward a relatively complete concept. In other words, Japan is ahead of other countries in this regard."

What we need most right now is not the warship manufacturing technology the British can provide, but rather the various new technologies required for modern warships. Simply put, Britain's offer isn't high. If we work with the Germans on the concept of new warships, we can obtain the same technologies that Britain is willing to give us.