Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 76

Chapter 264 Bloody Sunday

In the spring of 1898, several Russian organizations merged to form the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, but the party's central leadership was soon destroyed, and the party became an autonomous union of local committees, with a large number of intellectuals who considered Marxism fashionable joining the party.

Thus, two main ideologies emerged within the party: one was to treat the bourgeoisie's criticism of Marxism as truth, and the other was to be obsessed with purely economic struggle. The newspapers *Iskra* and *Dawn* engaged in a fierce debate between these two ideologies, during which *Iskra* gradually became the official newspaper of the Social Democratic Labour Party.

In 1902-1903, the Social Democratic Labour Party held its Second Congress, at which the party finally achieved formal unity, but also formally formed a majority and a minority faction. The majority actually referred to the 24 Central Committee members who demanded the reorganization of the newspaper "The Spark," while the minority consisted of members who opposed the reorganization.

The core of the debate between the two sides was actually only one: whether the Central Committee and the newspaper *Iskra* could represent the entire party in making decisions. The minority believed they could not, because in the past three years of debate, they had become accustomed to free debate and regarded it as democracy itself. The majority, led by Lenin, believed that since the party groups had been formed, they should naturally have a unified voice, and that majority rule was the true form of democracy.

This debate began when three former editors of the newspaper *Iskra* failed to be re-elected, which a minority believed was due to Lenin's expulsion. It quickly escalated into a nationwide debate, even reaching the German Social Democratic Labour Party, where the issue was discussed. From the autumn of 1903 to the autumn of 1904, the Social Democratic Labour Party was paralyzed, forcing Lenin to propose convening a third party congress to resolve the internal divisions.

The period from 1903 to 1904 was precisely when calls for political reform were strongest in Russian society. Since the abolition of serfdom in Russia in 1861, it took peasants 40 years to realize that they had been deceived. Although the Tsarist government had legally abolished their serf status, in reality they were still enslaved by landowners and capitalists.

There were approximately 10 million peasant households in Russia. Of these, about 3 million had no horses at all, about 3.5 million had only one horse, about 2 million had two horses each, and about 1.5 million were wealthy peasants with more than two horses.

In rural Russia, horses are as important as cattle are in rural China. Farmers without horses can only cultivate one demi-acre, which is certainly not enough to feed them. Farmers with one horse can cultivate three or four demi-acres, but they often go hungry. For example, in Voronnesh Province, a farmer with one horse earns 75 rubles a year, pays 18 rubles in taxes, and incurs 20 rubles in planting costs. The remaining grain is barely enough to feed their family, so they need to work in the cities to make a living. There are approximately 800-900 million seasonal workers in Russia each year, excluding the Caucasus and Siberia.

This means that 65% of rural farmers in Russia are bankrupt or on the verge of bankruptcy. They are naturally dissatisfied with the current state system, which is the root cause of the widespread support for calls for political reform in Russia. Whether it's wealthy peasants in the countryside or bourgeois liberals in the cities, they all believe that Russia is on the verge of erupting like a volcano.

Only the landowners and nobles persisted in defending the old system, believing they had already made enough concessions in 1861. They argued that Russia's biggest problem now was not reform, but the need to acquire new land. They reasoned that once new land was incorporated into Russia, bankrupt peasants could be sent to the newly developed frontiers, and the new land would alleviate rural tensions.

At the same time, bourgeois liberals also hoped to defend their political and property rights through a constitution. In present-day Russia, capitalists were almost entirely subordinate to the aristocracy in politics. Although they had amassed wealth under the protection of the Tsarist government, they were equally powerless against the Tsarist autocracy. As long as the aristocracy made a decision, Russian capitalists had to hand over their property.

Therefore, faced with the discontent of peasants and workers, the bourgeois liberals expressed sympathy in public opinion and pleaded with the Tsar to convene a Constituent Assembly as soon as possible to draft a constitution for Russia. Guided by this public opinion, workers and peasants launched over a hundred petition movements in 1904, primarily concerning economic issues, but politically leaning towards the views of the bourgeois liberals, who believed that Russia needed a constitution.

However, this situation began to change with the establishment of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee. In just one night, the workers of Wuhan overthrew the local government of Hubei and Hunan and established Soviet power. Although Russian newspapers described the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee as a group of thugs, attempting to convince the Russian people that the ignorant and xenophobic Chinese were harming Russian interests and that the Russian army should punish the Chinese as it had in 1900.

However, some Russian newspapers published policies and orders issued by the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee, and described the oppressive and plundering policies implemented in China by foreign missionaries and capitalists. In fact, as early as the Boxer Rebellion in 1900, some progressive Russian intellectuals began to sympathize with the resistance movement of Chinese peasants, because they did not want the Russian people to turn their attention abroad, thereby undermining the atmosphere for promoting social reform at home.

Reports of the eight-hour workday and rent and interest reduction decrees issued by the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committees not only failed to sympathize with the Russian tea capitalists whose property had been confiscated by the Chinese proletariat, but also further aroused the Russian proletariat's class consciousness.

As one Russian worker countered a speaker demanding punishment of the Chinese at a rally, "Since we occupy Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, why can't the Chinese confiscate the property of Russian capitalists? I believe that not only the Chinese Soviet can confiscate Russian capitalists' factories, but we here also have the right to confiscate capitalists' factories. Russia should also have a Soviet to protect the interests of workers and peasants..."

Patriotism and Slavism, which had been infallible in the past, no longer stirred the enthusiasm of the Russian proletariat. On the contrary, the Russian proletariat's hatred of capitalists was constantly changing those workers who were originally uninterested in politics. They increasingly felt that the idea of ​​getting rich through hard work was the most vicious mockery of them by capitalists, because no capitalist in Russia had become rich through labor; they enjoyed their wealth and status precisely by cruelly exploiting the labor of the working class.

The strike at the Putilov factory on January 3, 1905 (Russian calendar) propelled the Russian workers' movement to a new level. Although this strike was triggered by a simple labor dispute—the factory firing four workers, which then sparked a strike by all the workers in the factory.

However, the strike quickly escalated from an isolated incident into a nationwide movement. Under the leadership of the Russian Factory Workers' Association, the workers demanded an eight-hour workday and a minimum wage guarantee, consistent with the decrees issued by the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviet. The strike soon spread from the Putilov factory to other factories and regions, transforming into a nationwide general strike movement.

By January 8, 174 factories and workshops across Russia had ceased production, and nearly 96,000 workers had joined the general strike. The workers' movement attracted the participation of Social Democrats, who steered the economic strike into a political one at local mass rallies, presenting the workers with three main proposals: democratic rights, the elimination of poverty, and measures to remove the oppression of labor by capital.

Workers from various regions decided to send representatives to St. Petersburg to deliver a petition to the Tsar on January 9. On the morning of January 9, led by Pastor Gabon, more than 150,000 workers marched toward Palace Square carrying portraits of the Tsar and singing hymns. However, the Tsar refused to meet with the workers' representatives and ordered the workers' march to disband.

As the stalemate continued, some agitated workers attempted to break through the Tsarist army's blockade and enter Palace Square. However, the Tsarist army opened fire on the marching crowd without mercy, even using Maxim machine guns. The workers in the front ranks fell as quickly as wheat stalks to a sickle, and the snow in Palace Square was stained red with their blood. After the workers were forced to withdraw from Palace Square, the matter did not end there. The Tsar's cavalry further attacked the marching crowd in the street, forcing them to scatter.

On that day, more than a thousand workers died and over two thousand were injured in the workers' demonstration. Blood was everywhere in the streets of St. Petersburg, and the day was named Bloody Sunday. Although the workers in St. Petersburg were still fighting against the Tsar's army on January 10, the Tsarist government suppressed the news and issued martial law throughout the country, using overwhelming force to suppress the workers' movement in St. Petersburg and prevent workers from other places from supporting the workers in St. Petersburg.

Although the Tsarist government offered some small economic incentives and a nine-hour workday to appease the Russian proletariat, even the pro-government pastor Gabon said: "We have no more Tsars. Rivers of blood have separated the Tsar from the people. Long live the struggle for freedom."

Following Bloody Sunday, the Tsarist government lost almost all support from the centrists, and the last vestige of compromise among the Russian proletariat was extinguished by the machine gun fire of the Tsarist army. However, the brutality of the Tsarist army caused the Russian proletariat to temporarily lie dormant.

Although the country had temporarily returned to calm, the Tsar and his ministers sensed the simmering anger beneath the surface. Desperate to divert public attention, Russia needed a war. The Tsar finally authorized the Minister of War to prepare for an attack on China. If the Qing government did not agree to cede Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, Russia would retaliate against China, given the declaration of war issued by Wuhan.

At this point, St. Petersburg was no longer willing to consider the opinions of the British, because Britain could not even guarantee the security of India, so Russia naturally had the right to protect its interests in the Far East.

St. Petersburg issued an ultimatum to Beijing, demanding a definitive answer by February 10th, or Russia would have to take action to defend its interests. February 10th in the Russian calendar corresponds to February 23rd in the Gregorian calendar. Beijing was thrown into a panic by Russia's unreasonable demands, and no one dared to give a definite answer. Ultimately, on Yuan Shikai's advice, the ultimatum was leaked to the ministers of Britain, the United States, and Japan.

Both the British and Japanese ministers to China strongly opposed the Qing government signing any agreement with Russia to cede territory. The British minister even issued a stern warning to the Qing government that if it compromised with Russia, Britain would have to take action to defend its interests, and China would be in an even worse situation.

The Japanese government began preparations for war, believing that war was imminent.

Chapter 265 Construction and Defense

On February 13, 1905, the Wuchang-Xianning section of the railway opened to traffic. Tian Junyi took the train and arrived in Xianning after more than two hours. Although the station buildings along the way were very simple, consisting of only bamboo and wood sheds, there were still many people who wanted to take the train.

Seeing the enthusiasm of the people along the route for taking the train, Tian Junyi was also very pleased. On the train, he said to Kuang Sunmou, the chief engineer of the Hunan-Hubei Railway, "Now, from Pingxiang to Wuchang, there is only the less than 300-kilometer route between Changsha and Xianning left. When will you be able to complete it? Once this section of the road is completed, the journey from Pingxiang to Wuchang will be unimpeded."

Kuang Sunmou was actually quite excited. After the Wuhan Mutiny, he thought the construction of the Yuehan Railway was going to be finished. However, compared with the previous Huguang Governor's Office, the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee clearly paid more attention to railway construction. He received more support than before, while some useless cronies were purged.

As railway construction was completed across the country, the Qing government suddenly realized that railways were actually a very profitable business. The railways inside and outside the Great Wall had a surplus profit of 180 million taels of silver in just one year after they opened. The Luhan Railway was not yet fully operational, but its profit in 1904 had already reached nearly 200 million taels of silver. In addition, the large amount of materials needed for railway construction made the railway bureau a very lucrative government agency, even surpassing the salt administration.

Most of these cronies knew nothing about railway construction. After entering the railway bureau through their connections, the most agreeable ones would simply take a salary and never show up at the office, while the less agreeable ones would interfere in procurement matters. Because foreign suppliers offered higher kickbacks, these cronies mostly preferred to buy foreign goods and argued that Chinese timber was unsuitable for making railway sleepers.

With these cronies holding sway, those in charge, including Kuang Sunmou, not only had to worry about project issues but also engage in personnel struggles with these cronies to prevent them from purchasing unusable raw materials for kickbacks. It could be said that three-tenths of their energy was devoted to work, and seven-tenths to personnel battles. This not only greatly reduced work efficiency but also increased railway construction costs.

However, after the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee seized power, all these cronies were thoroughly investigated. Those convicted of embezzlement were forced to return the money and were dismissed from their posts. Those who received salaries without working were reassigned, and only those completely incompetent were dismissed. At the same time, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee also promoted a group of active workers to participate in the management of railway construction.

Although Kuang Sunmou believed that these railway construction workers were too poorly educated and lacked professional knowledge, making their involvement in construction management a risky endeavor, he also had to admit that while their education was lacking, they possessed considerable practical experience and were extremely enthusiastic about their work. They solved many small problems on-site, greatly improving construction efficiency.

Although the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee reduced the working hours of railway construction workers and improved their welfare benefits, the construction costs actually decreased due to increased construction efficiency, the use of local raw materials, and the elimination of corruption by those with connections.

Kuang Sunmou originally thought that the construction of the Zhuzhou-Wuchang railway section would take at least four years, with 100 kilometers built each year being about right. However, he now assured Tian Junyi, "It will definitely be completed before October next year. The main reason is that there are quite a few bridges in the remaining section; otherwise, it could have been completed by the end of this year. However, I hope the committee can guarantee the supply of cement and rails. We can think of other ways to make other materials, but we can't think of any other way to make these two materials."

Tian Junyi agreed, saying, "That's no problem. The committee has already reached an agreement with German and American banks to borrow money to expand the production capacity of the Hanyang Ironworks and Huangshi Cement Plant, and to carry out comprehensive management of the Han River and Jingjiang section, as well as to build the Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge. Therefore, the most important thing now is to open up the Hunan-Hubei Railway to ensure that coal from Pingxiang can be directly transported to Wuchang, so that the expansion of the Hanyang Ironworks will not be hindered by a lack of raw materials."

Upon hearing this, Kuang Sunmou was immediately startled. He instinctively said, "I heard from the people at the ironworks that it's already quite good if our country can sell 8 tons of steel a year. I remember the ironworks' transformation target two years ago was 30 tons of pig iron and 10 tons of crude steel, right? Is it already not enough?"

Looking at the scenery outside the car window, Tian Junyi said, "Yes, it's not enough. Back then, Xiang Shuai only considered the amount of steel needed for the Hanyang Arsenal, while Sheng Xuanhuai was slightly better, considering the amount of rails needed. They were both thinking about the imperial court's money, so they thought the steel wouldn't sell."

However, for the committee, steel is a raw material for construction. From coal mining, mining, power generation, and transportation, we need steel for everything from means of production to consumer goods. Therefore, the important thing is not how much money steel mills can make, but whether the steel demand for national economic construction can be met. As it stands, we are currently in far too short a supply.

Leaving aside other factors, just building a single set of sulfuric acid synthesis equipment requires thousands of tons of steel. Sulfuric acid is the foundation for manufacturing all chemical raw materials. Our output last year just exceeded 1 tons, but our demand is over 2 tons, and with the continuous development of industry, our need for chemical raw materials will only increase. Without steel, we can't do anything.

Expanding the steel plant now will allow it to be completed just in time to meet the needs of other industries developing…

Kuang Sunmou still seemed somewhat puzzled and said, "At this time, Germany and the United States are still willing to lend money to the committee? And the amount seems quite large. Aren't they afraid of opposition from the British and Russians?"

Tian Junyi turned to look at him and said, “We will make peace with the British soon, because continuing to fight will not benefit either side. As for the Russians, they are the ones who have disrupted the balance of East Asia. They are more worried that the Qing government will collapse, which is why they have no choice but to lend us money.”

Kuang Sunmou asked curiously, "If they're worried about the collapse of the imperial court, shouldn't they lend money to it?"

Tian Jun smiled and said, "Because they are worried that if the imperial court really collapses, we will really lose everything, so they lent us the money. At least the industries in Wuhan won't be lost. So we can't miss this opportunity, otherwise we won't be able to borrow money so easily."

Kuang Sunmou thought about it seriously before he understood. He could only shake his head and smile wryly, saying, "It seems I'm not suited to think about these things. But speaking of which, how's things in Chongqing? Is Juancheng alright?"

After thinking for a moment, Tian Junyi nodded and said, "There shouldn't be any problems now. The team sent by Chengdu has been repelled. In just two more months, we will be able to transport troops and supplies to Chongqing..."

The former Customs Superintendent's Office and Customs building on Baixiang Street in Chongqing have now been converted into the Chongqing Military and Political Committee. When the Wuhan Uprising broke out, Zhan Tianyou and other members of the Chengdu-Chongqing Railway Construction Committee were still in Chongqing planning and organizing the railway line. Zhan Tianyou initially did not want to respond to the Wuhan Uprising because he was only concerned with construction issues, not revolution.

However, the Chengdu-Chongqing Railway Construction Committee not only had two battalions of troops to protect the materials and route survey teams transiting through Tibet, but also a railway construction corps that had already been stationed in Chongqing. The committee believed that railway construction should be carried out by dedicated engineering teams, rather than the past practice of having a few engineers and technicians, and then recruiting laborers, requiring training for workers for each project, which was a huge waste of time and resources.

However, railway construction is different from ordinary construction. In order to ensure that workers can stay and work long-term, in addition to fixed positions, a certain degree of discipline is also needed. Therefore, railway construction troops were formed, which are engineering construction teams under the military organization.

Although Zhan Tianyou did not want to participate in the Wuhan Uprising, his subordinates did not see it that way. They were well aware that they were essentially outsiders in Sichuan, and if the Sichuan government considered them accomplices in the Wuhan uprising, they would likely be beheaded, as the government was never reasonable. This was not just their imagination; after the Boxer Rebellion, Sichuan experienced several uprisings in response to the Boxers in the north.

After the signing of the Boxer Protocol, the privileges of foreigners in China were maintained, and as a result, the oppression of ordinary people by missionaries and converts intensified. Although Sichuan was located inland, it was forced to further open up to the powers due to the Boxer Protocol. Consequently, missionaries began to arbitrarily interfere in the judgments of Sichuan government officials. Whenever a local official did not judge a case according to the missionaries' wishes, the missionaries would threaten the Qing government to replace the local official.

Influenced by the anti-Christian incidents in various parts of Sichuan, the Red Lantern Rebellion broke out in Qianwei in 1902 and 1904. The largest uprising occurred in March 1904, with as many as 20,000 participants. Xi Liang dispatched troops from Chengdu to suppress the rebellion, and the Qing army's slogan was "Slaughter and annihilation, leave no one alive." Under this brutal suppression, the Red Lantern Rebellion was quickly quelled.

The railway construction and protection troops from Hubei who had entered Sichuan were not about to simply lay down their arms and surrender to the Qing army. They were armed with far more than just sticks; both units had soldiers' committees led by the Workers' Party. Therefore, they quickly decided to launch an uprising in Chongqing in response to the uprising in Wuhan. Especially after defeating the southward-bound Yi Army in Wuhan, these two forces became even bolder.

It's quite pitiful that the Sichuan government only learned of the mutiny in Wuhan after the Yi army was defeated there, while the Hubei troops in Chongqing had already been communicating with Wuhan for almost half a month. This was because Wuhan had immediately seized control of the telegraph lines between Wuhan and Sichuan, severing all external communication with Sichuan.

By the time the Sichuan government learned of the mutiny in Wuhan from merchant caravans entering Sichuan and began to be wary of the Hubei troops in Chongqing, the Hubei troops stationed in Chongqing had already organized four battalions and formally launched an uprising. The Chongqing government quickly gave up resistance because the city's garrison consisted of fewer than two battalions, and their weaponry was quite outdated, making them no match for the Hubei army.

Chongqing was liberated on January 1, 1905, and Zhan Tianyou had to assume the responsibilities of the Chongqing Military and Political Committee, mainly to appease the local population and accept orders from Wuhan. Initially, the people of Chongqing remained hesitant, unsure of what these Hubei people intended to do. However, the Chongqing Military and Political Committee announced the cancellation of the surcharges imposed on the people of Sichuan by the Boxer Protocol, the temporary suspension of consular jurisdiction, and the subsequent recapture of the Japanese concession.

People from all walks of life in Chongqing began to favor the Military and Political Committee. Zhan Tianyou quickly invited local celebrities to join the committee, and after implementing local autonomy in Chongqing, the committee's foundation in Chongqing was solidified. Although Xi Liang dispatched more than 2000 men, including Chai Zuozhou and other officers from the front and rear battalions and patrol battalions around Chongqing, to launch an attack on Chongqing, local Sichuan gentry such as Song Yuren, Yang Shukan, and Zhu Zhihong, in conjunction with local militias, cooperated with the Hubei army to repel Chai Zuozhou's forces and defend Chongqing's independence.

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Chapter 266 Intra-Party Debate

Negotiations between Wuhan and Britain began on January 9. Although the British abandoned their plan to attack Wuhan by force, they also tried to defend their interests in the middle and upper reaches of the Yangtze River. Therefore, they studied the power structure of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, trying to find the different factions within it, so as to contact and win them over separately.

The British did indeed make some discoveries. Although the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee was mainly led by the Labour Party, it also included some gentry who advocated constitutionalism and some intellectuals who advocated the establishment of a republic. Their stance towards the great powers was friendly because they believed that China had to maintain friendly relations with the great powers in order to avoid being invaded again.

Although the British attempted to win over these individuals in order to establish a close relationship between Britain and the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, after a month of observation, British diplomats and journalists in Wuhan concluded that the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee was indeed a capable government, rather than a political group with empty ideals.

The British distinguished between the two based on their ability to maintain local control. Clearly, the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee was capable of establishing order locally, rather than simply controlling an armed force. Although the Committee restricted their movement from leaving Hankou to other areas, they could still observe the restoration of local order according to its regulations through its newspapers.

Faced with this situation, the British and other powers shared the view that a new regime capable of challenging Beijing was forming in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River, much like the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom that established its regime in Nanjing decades earlier. However, the committee did not shout the slogan of overthrowing the Qing government or establishing a new emperor, but it remained a political force independent of Beijing.

For such emerging political forces, the choice is either to become new friends of the great powers or to be eliminated by them in conjunction with their old friends. This is the lesson learned from the colonial history of the great powers over the past few centuries. However, they have just tried once and found that their old friend, the Qing government, seems powerless to eliminate the new regime in Wuhan. Furthermore, the internal strife among the great powers makes it difficult for them to unite and send troops to suppress Wuhan. Therefore, they hope that Wuhan can become a new friend.

Whether they were old friends or new friends of the great powers, they all had to abide by one rule: they could not attempt to change the rules set by the great powers. For Britain, this meant not challenging the global or regional order established by the British Empire. This was the premise on which the British were willing to demonstrate their goodwill to the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee or a part of it.

However, after negotiations began, the British discovered that neither the constitutional gentry nor the republican intellectuals were actually capable of restraining the Labour Party. This was not only because the Labour Party possessed armed forces and a relatively complete industrial sector, but more importantly, because the promises they made to the British could not be made public.

The Labour Party rejected any secret agreements, insisting that all agreements, except those related to commerce, should be made public, and that any commercial agreements containing political clauses must also be disclosed. While this stance reassured the British about the relationship between the Labour Party and Germany, it also revealed that the gentry and intellectuals they had courted could not be both cooperated with and supported by the public.

If it weren't for the Labor Party's staunch opposition to the special interests of various countries in China, these enlightened gentry and intellectuals would still have had appeal among the people. However, this appeal did not stem from their political views, but rather from the prestige they had accumulated in the local areas.

However, the Labour Party's more radical political stance, as expressed to the public, overwhelmed these enlightened gentry and intellectuals. After breaking the silence, the public viewed all moderate ideas as conservative. Therefore, before January 9th, these enlightened gentry and intellectuals could still garner some support from the public, but with the formal commencement of negotiations, their popularity plummeted.

Because the public could not accept their proposal to restore the political and economic privileges of the foreign powers in the Hubei and Hunan regions in order to gain recognition from Britain and other foreign powers for the committee, this stood in stark contrast to the Labour Party's advocacy of immediately abolishing the political privileges of foreign powers in China and gradually abolishing their economic privileges.

The people of Hubei, Hunan and other regions supported the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee because they were dissatisfied with foreigners' disregard for Qing law and their frequent interference with it. In addition, the continuous commercial invasion of foreigners into the interior caused many people to lose their livelihoods. For example, the rise of steamships severely damaged the Yangtze River wooden boat transportation industry, and the import of kerosene and nails caused rural oil presses and blacksmith shops to lose a large number of customers. The bankruptcy of many handicraftsmen naturally led to a situation where secret societies and bandits were rampant.

If we cannot abolish the political privileges of foreigners, nor resist their economic invasion, then why should we expect a revolution? The prestige accumulated by these enlightened gentry and intellectuals crumbled rapidly in the face of this popular sentiment. Those who were once considered great philanthropists and moral exemplars in the eyes of the people are now nothing more than the new lackeys of foreigners.

The Labour Party adhered to its ideals, which, although met with hostility from Britain and some imperialists in other countries, and caused concern among German and American capitalists, solidified its base of support among the people. Previously, when the uprising was launched, in the eyes of the general public, the Labour Party was no different from other revolutionary parties, except that it was more powerful.

However, as the Labour Party's political ideals gradually became law and were implemented, the Labour Party was distinguished from other revolutionary groups, from the Kang-Liang reformists, and from local enlightened gentry and intellectuals. The people, especially those in Hubei, would immediately think of the Labour Party, not anyone else, whenever the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers' Committee was mentioned.

Of course, amidst the rapidly changing political situation in Hubei, the Workers' Party was not stagnant. In fact, after the successful uprising, the number of worker members within the party increased dramatically, and egalitarianism and extreme democracy became increasingly prominent. This led to the first large-scale debate within the Workers' Party, which at one point affected its commercial cooperation with Germany and the United States.

After returning to Hankou from Xianning, Tian Junyi, along with Tang Caichang, Qin Lishan, and other members of the Central Committee of the Workers' Party, decided to convene an enlarged meeting of the Central Committee to clarify and criticize certain current ideas.

On February 15th, over 200 representatives from various local Party branches gathered at the auditorium of the Normal School next to Hankou Park for a meeting. At this meeting, Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan criticized egalitarianism and extreme democracy, arguing that both views violated the objective laws of labor creating wealth and socialized production.

The conference lasted from nine in the morning until nine in the evening. Although it was called a meeting, it was essentially a debate between Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan and other party members. In fact, within the party at that time, only the two of them were closer to scientific socialism. Although Tang Caichang had a high reputation both inside and outside the party and supported scientific socialism, he really didn't know much about the theory of scientific socialism. He only judged that this theory was more progressive and more capable of saving the situation than coal and iron ideologies, militarism, republicanism, and constitutionalism.

In this debate, Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan also benefited greatly, because in criticizing the bizarre ideas of the party members, they gained a deeper understanding of scientific socialism.

For example, a worker party member questioned the current factory distribution system, saying: "Since socialism advocates that labor creates wealth and that wealth should be distributed according to labor, why should factories retain profits? Aren't these profits an exploitation of the labor of workers? Why can't profits be abolished and distributed to factory workers?"

This question caused an uproar. Non-worker party members believed that the worker party member was too selfish and completely disregarded the current state of the country; some worker party members supported the view that profits were an exploitation of the working class, but did not advocate, at least not at this stage, the abolition of profits; some peasant party members and left-wing intellectuals expressed their understanding of the worker party member's position.

The Central Committee members were also whispering amongst themselves. Although they were dissatisfied with the views expressed by this worker-party member, they also felt that, according to socialist theory, there seemed to be nothing wrong with them. However, Tian Junyi remained very calm. He had consulted Lin Xinyi on this issue before, because he also felt that, according to the theory of scientific socialism, factories should not make profits, as this was clearly an exploitation of workers by the state.

He stood up and said sincerely to the somewhat apprehensive Party member, "Comrade, the question you raised is very good, and it is indeed a question worth studying. But I think I need to correct a few of your erroneous views."

First, the ultimate goal of scientific socialism is to distribute social wealth according to need. Why according to need rather than labor? Because a segment of people who have lost their ability to work in society cannot be excluded from society.

For social wealth to be distributed according to need rather than other standards, a stage of extremely abundant social productivity is necessary. This means that all resources are as readily available as water and air, and labor itself becomes a human need, rather than labor for exchange. This would imply that the state would no longer be necessary.

Socialist countries are not fundamentally different from other countries in different stages of human history. They are simply mechanisms for distributing social wealth. When the landlord class and the bourgeoisie control this state apparatus, they can pocket the wealth of the workers for their own enjoyment. This is exploitation.

However, the portion of social wealth that socialist countries collect from factories, farms, and workers is mainly used to maintain the dictatorship of the proletariat and to build the infrastructure of socialist countries. Public services such as workers' education, welfare, and public health cannot be created out of thin air. So, when all workers enjoy these public services, can they consider themselves to be exploiting a certain group of workers?

…Ensuring the dictatorship of the proletariat and preventing the state from falling into the hands of the exploiting classes is the true meaning of opposing exploitation. Advocating that factories and land belong to a specific group of workers, and rejecting the ownership rights of other workers over these factories and land, is also a form of exploitative ideology, because you are attempting to monopolize the means of production that belong to all workers…

Chapter 267: Out of Reach

On February 10, more than 2000 British troops set off from Siliguri and spent four days reaching a place less than a mile from Tindalia. Beyond Tindalia was a mountain basin, which was the former important port of Gersyan, connecting the Indian plains to Sikkim.

The offensive was led by Lieutenant Colonel Charles Mellis, with Lieutenant Archibald Percival Wavell commanding the vanguard. The British force consisted of two Indian battalions and one British infantry battalion, with the remainder being Indian laborers responsible for logistical support.

Lieutenant Colonel Charles Mellis was in good spirits, as they had only encountered sporadic attacks since entering the mountains, none of which had posed a significant obstacle to their progress. Standing under a tree, looking down at the small village on the mountaintop, the lieutenant colonel said to his men, "We will stop advancing once we have taken Gersyan. Have Colonel Haig send men to repair the railway leading here. Once we have secured this place, we can then advance upwards from Gersyan."

The lieutenant colonel's words were echoed by the officers around him, but some argued, "Could those Chinese have already retreated back to the plateau? Even if they obtained supplies from Darjeeling and Kalimpong, they can't conjure up a single unit. Or perhaps we should send a small detachment forward to scout ahead after capturing Gersyan..."

Although these British officers remained silent, they didn't find anything wrong with what their colleagues said. Even now, they still found the defeat of the Tibetan Expeditionary Force somewhat absurd; they simply couldn't imagine how an army equipped with machine guns and artillery could lose to a group of barbarians. According to propaganda in British newspapers such as The Times, all the Eastern natives who opposed the British army were crude, brave, and reckless savages, hopelessly struggling against civilization.

Therefore, if the barbarians had defeated the British army, it must have been through sheer numbers, sacrificing countless lives to achieve the honor of defeating a small British force. Hearing this lie so often, even these British officers developed a fixed impression of Eastern indigenous troops. They perceived the Chinese army as a group of thin, weak children with pig tails, carrying matchlock guns, and wearing loose-fitting robes, seemingly less courageous than African blacks.

Therefore, even though the Chinese army had achieved so many victories, these British officers still believed that the Chinese army had suffered heavy losses and was therefore powerless to stop them from advancing toward Darjeeling. Otherwise, why didn't the Chinese take advantage of such favorable mountain terrain? The straight-line distance from the Indian plains to Tindalia was only 30 miles, but the constant ups and downs of the mountains took them a full four days on foot.

Even though the British had repaired the road from Siliguri to Darjeeling, making it much easier to traverse than the old mule trails, these roads still wound through the mountains and clung to cliffs. In some sections, even a few men could bring their entire army to a standstill. This is why, upon hearing of the loss of Darjeeling and Kalimpong, Commander-in-Chief Lord Kitchener did not immediately send troops to counterattack Darjeeling, but instead first deployed troops to fortify the area at the foot of the mountain.

Lord Kitchener knew that rushing to retake Darjeeling would only result in a crushing defeat on that mountain road. In fact, if it weren't for Governor Sir Curzon's insistence on inviting the Kingdom of Nepal to send troops to help the British Indian government retake Darjeeling and Kalimpong, Lord Kitchener would have advocated waiting for a while longer, as he felt that his reorganization of the British Indian army had not yet yielded any initial results.

Sir Curzon's actions humiliated the British officers. Although the British had asked the Nepalese to send troops to help suppress the Indian Rebellion, that was during the East India Company's rule. Now, the British were under direct rule by the King. How could they ask a bunch of barbarians to help the British Empire take revenge?

While the British government didn't mind using barbarian force against barbarians, Sir Curzon's actions were seen as an indication of their incompetence by the British officers. This meant that once the matter subsided, London would have an excuse to drastically reorganize the British army. In fact, London had been thinking and doing just that since the Boer War; Lord Kitchener's creation of the Indian Officers Corps was an infringement on everyone's interests.

Historically, British Indian officials have always had a lineage, whether they are civil or military families. These families can all trace their lineage back to the East India Company era. They have built a vast network of relationships within the British Indian army and government. Young people from these families come to India to enter politics or the military, gain promotions, and then comfortably occupy high-ranking positions in the British Indian government and army.

India's elites were dissatisfied with this situation, and they once publicly criticized in newspapers that "the high-ranking positions in British India held by Britons take £1000 million in salaries from India every year, which is like using India's water to irrigate someone else's field."

With an annual salary of ten million pounds, what was there to talk about regarding the security of the British Empire? Therefore, under the strong insistence of British officers, Lord Kitchener finally compromised and decided to launch two separate attacks from Siliguri and Jaigaron.

Jai Gyaltsen is a mountain pass in southern Bhutan. It was a feint attack by a small force, while the main force was in Siliguri. After all, there is a railway there, and if Darjeeling is captured, it will be easy to transport supplies up the mountain.

As Lieutenant Colonel Charles Mellis stood on the hillside looking up at Tindalia, Lin Xinyi was also observing the British troops from the opposite mountain. The terrain here resembled an "M," with a valley at the bottom and a ridge at the top. Tindalia was situated on the central ridge, while Gersyan was located in a mountain basin behind the left ridge. Both the railway and the road had to climb up to Tindalia and then follow the ridge into the mountain basin where Gersyan was located.

The British troops didn't come from the bottom of the valley, but from the ridgeline of another mountain, although this mountain only extended to the middle of the ridge where Tindalia was located. After the railway and road reached this point, they spiraled upwards in a wide S-shape on the slope. In other words, the visibility was excellent when firing downhill.

To build the railway and highway here, the British had almost completely cleared the trees from this slope, leaving only low shrubs and wild grass. To the left of the British troops was a cliff, and behind them was a steep slope. The valley below was densely wooded, but there were almost no paths to follow. To the right, beyond the ridgeline, lay a primeval forest, but Lin Xinyi felt that the British troops would regret it if they blindly rushed in.

Wu Luzhen stood next to Lin Xinyi, also looking through binoculars for a long time, then sighed and said to him, "These British are really brave. They probably don't know how many troops we have."

He sat down on a chair, picked up the kettle that was boiling on the wood stove, poured himself and Wu Luzhen a cup of hot tea, and said, "That's why I said before, you don't need to come down. You can just keep an eye on things in Gyantse from up here."

Gunfire erupted from the opposite hilltop, and the British troops on the outpost quickly retreated. However, Wu Luzhen felt there was little to look forward to in this battle. The British had not brought artillery, or their artillery was still in the rear. Based on his observation of the British forces' recent actions, he believed that this unit was incapable of launching an uphill assault on a hilltop position held by a superior number of troops, relying solely on rifles and machine guns.