Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 163

As expected, Kawahara had a backup plan. Amid everyone's anticipation, Kawahara addressed Ito and Yamamoto, saying, "Since the Ministry of the Navy has proposed a supplementary theory, we also need to provide a supplementary explanation of the new route, further clarifying its objectives. Please allow me to summon the main planners of the new route to a meeting for explanation."

Saito Minoru, sitting opposite him, instinctively refused, saying, "This is an internal meeting between upper management. It's not appropriate for a junior officer to attend. It would be disrespectful if word got out."

Seeing this, Togo Masamichi spoke up, "Aren't we discussing the future of the Navy? How can you call it an internal meeting of the upper echelons? It's as if we're meeting here for personal reasons. Vice Commander Saito, I really can't agree with what you're saying..."

With the two vice ministers personally clashing, it was naturally difficult for others to intervene. Neither Minister of State Yamamoto nor Minister of State Kawahara showed any intention of stopping their own people, clearly indicating that their positions reflected those of the vice ministers. Faced with the possibility that the meeting might be ruined by such a trivial matter, Togo Heihachiro had no choice but to speak up and request that Ito Sukeyuki, Minister of State Yamamoto, and Minister of State Kawahara make a decision on the matter.

Ito Sukeyuki glanced at the Minister of the Navy and the Chief of Staff, then calmly stated his opinion, "I think we should have someone come up and explain the supplementary plan for the new route, but not allow him to participate in the meeting discussion. That shouldn't be a big problem."

Kawahara Yoichi immediately echoed Ito Gensou's suggestion. Although Yamamoto Gonbei wanted to continue to oppose it, he knew that persisting would only make his side appear weak. He could only change his tune and say, "He can add new routes, but he is not allowed to discuss other issues. We are sitting here today to solve problems, not to create more."

Although many people present were still confused, the senior officials knew in their hearts that "he" actually referred to Lieutenant Hayashi of the Naval General Staff. At the last general officers' meeting, it was this lieutenant who overturned the Ministry of the Navy, forcing Saito Minoru to bring up Sato Tetsutaro. Otherwise, when the Ministry of the Navy was fighting for the Navy's budget, it would not have needed to find a reason for itself. This reason was actually an internal explanation.

The scene at the generals' meeting truly broke the monolithic status of the Ministry of the Navy within the navy, making the various central agencies and naval districts realize that the Ministry of the Navy was not entirely correct. As long as the shortcomings of the Ministry of the Navy could be found, then everyone could certainly express their own opinions for the future of the navy.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and Saitō Minoru did not want such a scene to happen a second time. Even though they felt that Hayashi Nobuyoshi might not be able to refute Satō Tetsutaro's theory of active national defense, they did not want to take the slightest risk. Within the navy, Hayashi Nobuyoshi had undoubtedly become the biggest destabilizing factor in the eyes of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and Saitō Minoru, and they naturally did not want to see him appear unless they had no other choice.

However, although Togo Heihachiro supported Navy Minister Yamamoto, he was unwilling to offend a promising young man like Hayashi Nobuyoshi. Unlike Yamamoto and Saito, who served in the central government, he had more contact with lower-ranking officers, so he was well aware that Hayashi Nobuyoshi, as the founder of the Naval Research Association, had a very good reputation among the lower-ranking officers in the fleet.

This is not only because Lin Xinyi published many advanced theories through naval seminars, but also because naval seminars have become a place where junior and middle-ranking officers can freely express their opinions. The hierarchy in the navy is no less strict than that in the army. Due to the special nature of naval work, each warship is similar to a closed small society. Therefore, the promotion of naval officers actually depends quite much on their relationship with their direct superiors.

Generally speaking, officers who do not maintain good relationships with their superiors are unlikely to be promoted. This makes many naval officers keen on cultivating interpersonal relationships. Officers from Satsuma are more likely to be promoted, which makes many junior and middle-ranking officers feel dissatisfied with the upper echelons of the navy, especially the Satsuma clique that dominates the navy.

Through the naval seminar platform, some truly talented officers gained recognition, effectively opening a second promotion path, which naturally garnered support from mid- and lower-ranking officers. As the founder of the naval seminar, even though Lin Xinyi was just a naval academy student, he still enjoyed considerable support from these mid- and lower-ranking officers.

While Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, and Saito, the Vice Minister, could refuse Hayashi Nobuyoshi's attendance at this meeting, they could not prevent Hayashi Nobuyoshi from initiating a discussion on this issue in the naval seminar's publication. Togo Heihachiro did not want his honor to be questioned by his subordinates. He hoped that Sato Tetsutaro and Hayashi Nobuyoshi would have a direct confrontation. As long as Hayashi Nobuyoshi did not suffer a complete defeat, he was still willing to support Sato.

When Hayashi Nobuyoshi was summoned to the main hall, he didn't come empty-handed; instead, he brought a blackboard with a world map on it. Upon entering the main hall, knowing the scope of his speech, Hayashi didn't object but began speaking directly: "The goals of the new naval route are closely related to the southward strategy, but the southward strategy is only one part of Japan's future defense strategy. Therefore, in order for everyone to understand our refined southward strategy, I must first briefly discuss the international environment and related simulations surrounding its formulation."

Saito Minoru hesitated for a moment before speaking, "Lieutenant Hayashi, please keep your remarks brief. We don't have much time to waste on irrelevant analysis. It's best to just state your conclusions. We can judge for ourselves whether they are true or not."

Lin Xinyi glanced at Saito, nodded slightly in acknowledgment, and then continued, "Before discussing the Southeast Asian strategy, we must first talk about the relevant parties involved in the Southeast Asian issue. Currently, the relevant parties involved in the Southeast Asian issue are: Britain, France, the Netherlands, the United States, our country, China, and the mainland, totaling seven parties."

Although the local forces constitute a faction, the situation is actually quite complex. They include nationalists who pursue independence as well as nobles who cooperate with foreign forces, and there are also conflicts between them. Therefore, although the local forces account for the vast majority of the population in Southeast Asia, they are undoubtedly the weakest political force.

China's power in Southeast Asia mainly lies with its overseas Chinese. Due to the closed-door policy adopted by the Qing Dynasty, China's official influence in Southeast Asia was almost completely lost. However, due to the continuous migration to Southeast Asia from the late Ming Dynasty onwards, Chinese immigrants have an unshakable economic position in Southeast Asia. China's influence in Southeast Asia is determined by the economic position of these immigrants.

my country's influence in Southeast Asia is the weakest among the foreign powers, but it has grown the fastest in recent years. This rapid growth in influence stems from my country's victory in the Sino-Japanese War. However, in terms of economy and culture, my country is far behind other foreign powers.

The United States' influence in Southeast Asia is comparable to that of my country; they too defeated the Spanish to gain their current position in the region. France and the Netherlands, however, hold a higher position in Southeast Asia than my country and the United States. Their status is determined by their early colonial achievements in the region, meaning they gained their colonial advantage by relying on the global colonial system established between the 17th and 19th centuries.

Britain is the most powerful outsider in Southeast Asia, not only because of its national strength, but also because it is the dominant force in the current global colonial system. The influence of other countries in Southeast Asia is negligible, as none of them have established a complete order there.

There were essentially only two ways for my country to enter Southeast Asia: either maintain the existing colonial system or become a disruptor of that system. Judging from the process by which my country acquired Mindanao and the surrounding islands, the benefits of being a disruptor of the system were clearly more advantageous to a late-developing power like my country than to maintaining it.

However, given our size and national strength, we are insufficient to challenge the current global colonial system. Therefore, we need to find allies who can disrupt the current global colonial system, thereby gaining Japan's position in the new order through this transformation. In Southeast Asia, we can only find two allies: China and the local powers there.

Sato Tetsutaro thought he was already quite bold, but he didn't expect Lin Xinyi to be even more arrogant. So he couldn't help but question him, "Lieutenant Lin, are you crazy? Do you know how many warships the combined navies of Britain, France, and the United States, even if we ignore the Netherlands, have? We don't even have a chance of winning against France and the United States individually. You're planning to let Japan take on the combined fleet of these three countries? What kind of help can China and the local forces in Southeast Asia provide us in this kind of naval battle? Are you planning to make Japan commit suicide?"

Other naval officers also began to discuss the proposal, and it was clear that they did not approve of it. Although they wanted the Eight-Eight Fleet and regarded the United States as the next adversary, they were unwilling to put Japan in opposition to these three powerful nations.

Lin Xinyi gestured to Sato Tetsutaro to calm down. Once the murmurs in the room subsided, he continued calmly, "That's why I just said that the southward strategy is only a part of a larger strategy. From a local perspective, we are at a disadvantage. Therefore, we need to create a grand strategy in which we have the advantage so that we can reverse our disadvantage in this local area."

Sato Tetsutaro asked with dissatisfaction, "What kind of grand strategy could put Britain, France, and the United States at a disadvantage?"

Lin Xinyi casually drew a line on the world map beside him and then said, "Establish an iron curtain from Hawaii to the Gulf of Mexico to the English Channel, with Britain, France and the United States on one side and the world on the other. This is the grand strategy that Japan is pursuing: to divide the world into two camps, and we stand on this side of the world, uniting the forces of justice around the world to defeat the evil core of the old world, Britain, France and the United States."

Sato Tetsutaro's eyes widened, and he exclaimed in disbelief, "How is this possible?"

Lin Xinyi immediately retorted, "Why is it impossible?"

Sato Tetsutaro said, "Who would believe that Japan has the ability to defeat Britain, France and the United States? You simply cannot convince anyone to join forces with Japan to challenge these three countries."

Lin Xinyi spread his hands and said, "Why was it Japan that persuaded them to fight against Britain, France, and the United States? Did someone persuade the Chinese to rise up against Britain and Russia, the Vietnamese to rise up against France, the Filipinos to rise up against the United States, and the people of Burma, India, and Egypt to rebel against the British Empire?"

Sato Tetsutaro said, "But all these resistances have failed?"

Lin Xinyi, however, disagreed, saying, "That's because they haven't found the right way to resist. As long as we teach the people of these countries how to resist colonizers, then Russia and Britain will inevitably fail. Hasn't that already been proven?"

Sato Tetsutaro wanted to say something more, but he suddenly noticed the room had become quiet, which made him hesitate. Seeing that Sato seemed to be stuck in his thoughts, Saito Minoru had no choice but to interrupt Hayashi Shin'ichi's momentum, saying, "What you're saying is just an exception. If Germany hadn't been in a standoff with Britain and France in Europe, and if our country hadn't joined the war, would China and India's resistance have been able to win?"

Lin Xinyi nodded slightly to Saito and said, "Vice Minister Saito's words just illustrate one thing: when Britain, France and the United States face the whole world, even if the world is not united, they will be defeated. And this is the basis of the grand strategy."

Saito Minoru: "..."

Togo Heihachiro glanced at Kato Tomosaburo and Shimamura Hayao behind him and noticed that both of them were frowning in thought. He immediately realized that things seemed to be spiraling out of control. Although the Fleet faction generally believed that Japan's next enemy was the United States across the Pacific Ocean, they also believed that southward expansion was the inevitable path for the navy. However, southward expansion would inevitably offend Britain, France, and the United States. This was the deadlock in the southward expansion strategy, and it was also the basis for the view held by some in the navy that they should first seek a resource-rich land on the mainland before pursuing the southward expansion strategy.

In order to reverse the unfavorable situation for the Navy Ministry, the Grand Strategy did indeed solve the deadlock of the southward strategy. In contrast, Sato Tetsutaro's theory of active defense did not mention this issue at all. It simply focused on strengthening naval power and hoping that Britain and France would automatically back down in the South China Sea.

Togo Heihachiro could only question Lin Xinyi: "Isn't this grand strategy you mentioned just a possibility? Without a practical implementation plan, a possibility is just a possibility; it can never become a reality."

Lin Xinyi calmly replied, "To achieve this grand strategy, I believe the following steps are necessary. The first step is to establish a security consultation mechanism among Japan, China, Russia, and South Korea to resolve disputes among the four parties through consultation, reduce military spending, and build a mutual trust and peace mechanism in Northeast Asia."

The second step: to extend the East Asian security consultation mechanism to Indochina and Southeast Asia, restore the right of national self-determination in the region, and force France, the United States, and the Netherlands to relinquish their right to colonize the region.

The third step: the Asian security mechanism expanded into the central Pacific and South Asia, persuading Germany and Britain to relinquish their colonial power over the region.

The fourth step: Support the Russian Empire's transition to socialism, thereby creating a camp of confrontation in Europe. This step can be carried out simultaneously with the third step. While socialist Russia restrains the capitalist powers in Europe, the resources of Asian countries can be integrated to establish an integrated Asian economic and trade system and a joint defense mechanism.

Fifth step: Seek to establish a security consultation mechanism among the countries in the Pacific Rim, ensure freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean, and support socialist Russia's expansion into Central Europe.

Step Six: To sow discord between Germany and the three powers of Britain, France, and the United States, thus turning Germany into a socialist state. This would further exacerbate the antagonism between the two major camps in Europe.

Step 7: Establish the Eurasian Union with Japan, China, India, Russia, and Germany at its core, liberate colonized regions and peoples in Africa and the Americas, and expel British, American, and French forces from Africa, South America, and the Mediterranean coast.

Step 8: Unite the world's nations to isolate Britain, the United States, and France, and wage a final decisive war. After the war, establish a new global order centered on Japan, China, India, Russia, Germany, or possibly France.

Chapter 569

Faced with Lin Xinyi's sudden and arrogant plan—yes, arrogant, not grandiose—most of the people present, except for a handful, felt that the plan was far too audacious. Sato Tetsutaro had only intended to fight to the death against the strongest nation's fleet, not to attempt to destroy the strongest nation or establish a new world order.

The room erupted in uproar, and someone immediately questioned Lin Xinyi: "Socialist Russia? Don't you know that the goal of socialism is to overthrow the rule of all propertied people? Besides causing destruction, how can they join hands with the Empire to fight against the British and American powers?"

Lin Xinyi glanced at the person who was questioning him before calmly saying, "First of all, the theory of socialism is that communism can only be born in the most developed capitalist society. Therefore, once socialist Russia is established, its primary goal will inevitably be to liberate developed capitalist countries such as Western Europe."

Yes, the mission of socialism is indeed to eliminate private ownership, but once a socialist country is established, its primary target will inevitably be the most developed capitalist countries. According to socialist theory, only by transforming the most developed capitalist countries into socialist countries can they complete the world revolution. If they go against this path, they are essentially abandoning the socialist path.

Secondly, there is nothing to fear about socialist countries, because the goal of socialism is to eliminate the state itself. Therefore, as long as socialism exists in the name of the state, it is not socialism at all.

Just as our constitution proclaims Japan as a country owned by the Emperor, we all know very well that this country is actually owned by the bureaucrats who rule the country. Socialist countries merely proclaim that the country belongs to the people, but in reality, it belongs to the socialist bureaucrats who rule the country. The public ownership they proclaim is actually our state ownership. The people have no control over state-owned property, so what public ownership are we talking about? In the end, state ownership simply becomes the private property of the bureaucrats.

Therefore, to be hostile to someone simply because they claim to be a socialist country is a brainless act. I would like to answer you with the famous quote from British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli: "There are no permanent friends or permanent enemies between nations, only permanent interests."

When formulating the grand strategy, I only considered one thing: whether Japan could gain more benefits under the old world order or under the new world order. Other issues were not within my scope of consideration.

Lin Xinyi's rebuttal immediately silenced the doubters. Indeed, they were soldiers, not politicians. When soldiers formulate plans, they only consider whether they can be achieved. Who would care about political issues? If politics were to be the top priority in everything, then the Eight-Eight Fleet should not have been proposed, because Japan's current national strength is simply insufficient to support such a large fleet.

Seeing that his side had quieted down, Saito Minoru subtly nudged Sato Tetsutaro, signaling him to step forward and continue questioning Lin Xinyi. They couldn't let the other side's momentum overwhelm them.

Sato Tetsutaro had no choice but to set aside his grand strategic considerations and asked Lin Xinyi, "Korea is already in our hands, yet you want it to join the so-called Japan-China-Russia-Korea Four-Power Alliance. If Korea uses the power of China and Russia to oppose Japan, wouldn't the situation in East Asia revert to what it was before the Sino-Japanese War? Wouldn't all the billions of dollars the Empire has invested and the lives sacrificed in the war be wasted? Would the people agree to that? Would the army agree to that? This first step is impossible to achieve."

Lin Xinyi calmly replied: "The so-called alliance between nations refers to the fact that allied nations have a common enemy, which is why they need an alliance to gain the support of their allies in war. Therefore, the first step is not to establish a four-nation alliance of Japan, China, Russia, and South Korea, but to establish a consultation mechanism to resolve the conflicts between the four nations. Only by seeking a common enemy on the basis of this mechanism can a four-nation alliance be formed."

The so-called South Korea's opposition to Japan by leveraging the power of China and Russia—isn't this exactly the problem that the Quad consultation mechanism needs to solve? Frankly, the reason South Korea needs to exist is actually to allow Japan, China, and Russia to reach a foundation of mutual trust. The Korean Peninsula is actually a buffer zone between Japan and China and Russia. As long as the three countries do not attempt to annex the Korean Peninsula, it means that a mutual trust mechanism has been established among the three countries, and then the issue of an alliance can be considered.

As for the funds and lives the Empire spent to occupy the Korean Peninsula, I have only one opinion: there is always sacrifice of the present and the past for the future, never sacrifice of the present and the future for the past. The success of the anti-shogunate movement and the Meiji Restoration was precisely because the anti-shogunate patriots and the Meiji Restoration patriots chose the former, while the shogunate and the samurai chose the latter.

Whether the Nationalists and the Army agree is our task, not a plan we need to follow. Please, senior, understand the difference between the two.

Sato Tetsutaro's face flushed instantly. To be honest, he wasn't actually against the Grand Strategic Plan. In fact, he felt that the Grand Strategic Plan was a good match for his theory of active defense. If he could absorb the strategic ideas in it, he could elevate his theory of active defense to a new level and turn it into a new naval theory that was no less than Mahan's theory of sea power.

Lin Xinyi was indeed quite disrespectful to his seniors. Now he understood why Qiushan refused to come over. Qiushan had probably suffered a lot of humiliation like this before, which was why he was unwilling to come over and argue with a young man. Winning wouldn't be honorable, and losing would only make him a laughingstock.

To save face and teach Lin Xinyi a lesson, Sato Tetsutaro lowered his expectations, reducing the strategic debate to practical questioning. "You make a good point, but the Southeast Asian strategy is clearly more important to Japan. What right do the Chinese have to join the struggle for the Southeast Asia? They don't even have battleships. And why would India support China and Japan against its own suzerain?"

Saito Minoru really wanted to bring Sato back. He only wanted Sato and Hayashi Shin-yi to question each other on strategy. He didn't want Sato to ask the other party how to operate this matter at all, because strategy is difficult to prove. It is just a matter of choice. However, actual operation can be verified. He was well aware of Hayashi Shin-yi's actual operational capabilities in India, so he did not expect anyone to be able to refute Hayashi Shin-yi on this point.

However, Sato Tetsutaro was unaware of Hayashi Shin-yi's past experiences and could not see the subtle signals that Saito Minoru was giving him, so he ultimately asked the question that was not in his favor.

Lin Xinyi, of course, didn't hold back and elaborated on the topic: "The importance of Southeast Asia to Japan lies in its tropical resources and the safety of its shipping routes. In essence, both of these can be summarized in one point: Southeast Asia is crucial to Japan's industrialization. Why did Japan need to industrialize? Because without industrialization, Japan could not resist the invasion of the great powers, and without industrialization, the Japanese archipelago could not support such a large population."

Does this mean China no longer needs to resist invasions by foreign powers? Does it mean China no longer needs to feed its ever-growing population? Therefore, China's industrialization also requires more foreign resources. This is why, once China gained independence, it had to reclaim its historical sphere of influence to the south, because the resources and shipping routes of Southeast Asia were also essential for China's industrialization.

Therefore, the Southeast Asian strategy is not only important to Japan, but to the entire East Asian region. If we cannot break through this barrier of Southeast Asia, East Asia will be confined to a corner of the world, and we will have no oil, no rubber, no sugarcane, and no maritime safety. In contrast, Japan, thanks to its victory in the naval war against Russia and its control of Mindanao, has also gained some benefits in the Southeast Asian region, while China is truly the late-developing country most eager to expand southward.

Once China secures the security of its Northeast region, it will inevitably need to resolve the issues of Indochina and Burma's status first—this is the nature of land-based powers. If it can wrest control of Burma from the British, then China's Southwest region will essentially have direct access to the Indian Ocean, making China and India true land neighbors, and Britain will certainly lose control of the Indian subcontinent.

Faced with the southward expansion of Chinese power, what will Britain do? Will it mobilize its own troops to attack China, or will it tacitly allow China to enter Southeast Asia to contain it? I believe this is a self-evident fact. Therefore, China does not need a navy to enter Southeast Asia, but the southward expansion of Chinese power will provide an opportunity for its navy to do so.

As for why India opposed its colonial master, I think there's no easy answer to that question. Just study the British colonial policies, and you'll see that Indian resistance was driven by the need for survival…

Shimamura Hayao couldn't help but whisper to Kato Tomosaburo beside him, "I feel that this grand strategic plan is actually more suitable for Sato's active defense theory than the Eight-Eight Fleet."

Before Kato Tomosaburo could reply, Fujii Kiichi chimed in, "That's what I think too. Even if the Eight-Eight Fleet is built, it may not be able to meet the requirements of active defense, because Britain and the United States cannot stay put. But the Grand Strategy has a strong flavor of active defense. We don't need to consider the future development of Britain and the United States. We only need to focus on the confrontation between the two camps, which is actually more reliable."

Kato Tomosaburo's ideas were similar to Fujii's. He felt that the advantage of the grand strategy over the active defense theory was that Japan was merely a part of a camp in the grand strategy. In other words, even if the camp failed, Japan might still have a way out. On the other hand, the active defense theory was that Japan was fighting against the Western powers alone. If it lost a battle, it would have to give up all its previous achievements.

However, Kato was much more composed than his colleagues. He knew that in his current position, stance took precedence over correctness. Only those in charge of the navy had the right to distinguish right from wrong, while their positions only allowed them to consider their stance. No matter how brilliant Hayashi Nobuyoshi's grand strategy was, they could not change their stance to support the other side, as that would be tantamount to openly slapping Vice Minister Saito and Minister of the Navy Yamamoto in the face.

However, the whispers among the fleet's younger officers still reached Saito Makoto's ears. The Vice Admiral finally couldn't hold back any longer and stepped in himself: "No matter how you analyze it, your proposed alliance of Japan, China, India, Russia, and Germany is just a pipe dream. With white people's discrimination against people of color, advanced nations' discrimination against backward nations, and Christian civilization's discrimination against Islam and polytheistic civilizations, how could such an alliance possibly be established?"

Lin Xinyi turned his gaze to Saito Minoru, looking him straight in the eye without flinching, and replied, "This world is made up of all sorts of contradictions. If there were no contradictions, there would be no world."

Therefore, it is impossible for contradictions to be absent between Japan, China, India, Russia, and Germany. As you just mentioned, Vice Minister Saito, racial, religious, and ethnic contradictions certainly exist. Furthermore, there are also geographical, cultural, and economic contradictions between countries. Therefore, the key to forging an alliance between Japan, China, India, Russia, and Germany lies in the fact that the contradictions between the old world and the new world have risen to become the primary contradictions, thus overriding other contradictions.

How to make all countries realize and correctly understand the principal contradiction is precisely the work Japan needs to do. I believe this practical work is as real as building the Eight-Eight Fleet; as long as we complete it, it will eventually appear before us in reality, just like the Eight-Eight Fleet. Whether the Eight-Eight Fleet can play its intended role and whether it can be completed are two different things; similarly, whether the alliance can play a practical role after its formation and whether an alliance relationship can be established are also two different things.

Just as Saito was feeling embarrassed by Hayashi Shin's rebuttal, Yamamoto Gonbei suddenly spoke up and asked, "So how do you think the actual work of establishing an alliance should be carried out? It can't just be a matter of making verbal appeals, can it?"

Lin Xinyi turned his gaze to the head of the table and calmly replied, "Of course, it can't just be a verbal appeal. I think we should start from the aspects of domestic and foreign affairs. To put it simply, we should promote work in four areas: politics, economy, education, and culture."

Politically, a political party that meets the needs of the navy should be established…

Suddenly, a violent cough interrupted Lin Xinyi's words. Everyone's eyes turned to the person who coughed, only to see Kawahara Kaname put down his hand and say to Lin Xinyi as if nothing had happened, "Keep it brief, keep it brief. There's no need to go into too much detail. Don't waste everyone's time."

Lin Xinyi stopped talking and simply said, "Economically, we will complete the planning and leadership of Asia's industrialization; in education, we will teach the people to take on this task; and culturally, we will teach the people of the new world to recognize the new world's system. Once all of the above is completed, the foundation of the new world's alliance will be formed."

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe understood why Kawahara had stopped Hayashi Nobuyoshi. Kawahara clearly saw the grand strategy as his own, and the biggest difference between grand strategy and proactive defense theory was that the latter only concerned the navy's budget, while the former could influence national politics. In other words, the grand strategy was truly the perspective of the Prime Minister, not the Minister of the Navy, and from this, Yamamoto could see Kawahara's ambition.

Although these thoughts flashed through Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's mind, he continued to ask in a clear and unhurried manner: "Regardless of whether an alliance can be formed, the final naval war will still be fought by fleets. When the two major camps are truly in opposition, can Japan really build a new fleet to fight against the British and American fleets? Or will it just be doing the work for someone else?"

Lin Xinyi replied without hesitation: "Of the five countries of Japan, China, India, Russia and Germany, apart from Russia and Germany which have naval traditions, only the Japanese navy is quite formidable among the three Asian countries. Therefore, the Japanese navy has an inescapable responsibility to safeguard the Allied freedom of navigation in the Pacific and Indian Oceans."

However, rights and responsibilities are reciprocal. Rights without responsibilities and responsibilities without rights will eventually disappear. Therefore, if we want to safeguard the Alliance's right to freedom of navigation at sea, the Alliance must ultimately assume corresponding responsibilities.

The best way for the alliance to embody this responsibility is to establish a large fleet within the alliance's framework. This large fleet should be funded separately by each member state and should not be included in their national military expenditures. Its composition will be led by the alliance council, and its duty will be to safeguard the alliance's maritime security. The large fleet should not intervene in internal alliance conflicts…

The room erupted in another uproar. Basically, everyone understood that although Lin Xinyi advocated reducing military spending, he also advocated building a large fleet within the framework of the Grand Alliance. This meant bypassing the pool of budget competition with the army and moving the navy's budget to another pool.

Saito Makoto acknowledged that this method of increasing the naval budget might succeed, but that was clearly not what he wanted to hear. So he had to interrupt Hayashi Shin-yi and questioned, "Even if a large fleet is established within the framework of the alliance, who can guarantee that Japan can lead this fleet? China and India are not fools either."

Lin Xinyi quickly replied, "Since there's a Grand Fleet, there must be a Continental Army. We can make a deal with China: we support China's leadership in the Continental Army, in exchange for China's support of Japan's leadership in the Grand Fleet. Although Japan, China, and India are the core of the Asian alliance, I believe Japan and China should have a closer relationship within the alliance. This way, we can suppress India 2 to 1. Furthermore, within the Eurasian Grand Alliance, Japan, China, and India should have a closer relationship than Russia and Germany. In this way, although the five countries are equal, Japan and China will have a more central position in the alliance..."

Chapter 570

Although Lin Xinyi's proposed alliance plan was highly beneficial to the navy, and could even be said to benefit only the navy, which was a plan that the naval officers present were happy to approve, some experienced and prudent individuals still raised their concerns to Lin Xinyi, asking, "In that case, will the army also have to accept Chinese leadership within the Continental Army? I'm afraid the army will find it difficult to accept this alliance plan, and the army and navy may split as a result."

After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi replied, "There are actually only three true maritime nations in the world: Britain, the United States, and Japan. The foundation for the former two to establish themselves as navies lies in their armies, which are focused on internal affairs rather than external ones. Therefore, the Japanese army should also return to its true duty: the army protects the Emperor, and the navy protects the nation. Then the army will not need to accept Chinese leadership within the Continental Army."

These words caused another uproar among the officers present. The meeting had been so impactful that everyone had forgotten about meeting discipline and hierarchy, frequently discussing these new ideas with their colleagues. Even Yamamoto Kaisho and Saito, the Vice Minister, found it difficult to control this situation.

Almost instinctively, Tetsutaro Sato questioned, "Isn't your idea a bit too wishful thinking? The army isn't even willing to give up the Korean Peninsula now, do you think they'll automatically reduce their troops? Besides, although the British army isn't as powerful as the Royal Navy, it's still a well-trained force that spans continents. How can you say that the British army is only used for domestic purposes?"

Lin Xinyi disagreed, replying: "Neither Britain nor the United States has a so-called professional army. Their army consists of professional officers plus conscripted soldiers. The army used by the British Empire for its overseas colonies is actually mainly composed of auxiliary soldiers recruited from the overseas colonies, rather than its own professional army."

Therefore, the British army was usable for pacification operations in the colonies, but for major wars, it had to be reorganized into wartime forces. The United States adopted the British system, and its strongest land force was actually the National Guard of each state, which consisted of state militias rather than a professional army led by the US government.

Therefore, what maritime nations need is a small army composed of a professional navy and a force of professional army officers. This requires raising the professional standards and welfare of army officers, militiaizing soldiers, and creating a separation between officers and soldiers…

Suddenly, Ito Sukeyuki let out a violent cough. Lin Xinyi stopped and looked over, only to see the naval veteran waving his hand at him and saying, "It's best not to say things that are detrimental to the unity between the army and the navy. Have you finished your supplementary proposal? Now you can leave."

The room fell silent instantly. In fact, many of the officers present wanted to keep Lin Xinyi there for further questioning. The young lieutenant's mind was full of new ideas and concepts, which were refreshing. As naval officers, they were undoubtedly willing to accept such new ideas and concepts, since the navy could not rely on the so-called samurai tradition to improve the fleet's combat capabilities.

However, the elders of Ito could still sense Hayashi Shin'ichi's protectiveness. After all, the navy had been trying to establish a system where the navy was the master and the army was the subordinate for decades. However, apart from Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's plan to establish the Six-Six Fleet, which secured the navy's independence, it did not actually create a strong force to suppress the army. The only way they could think of to improve the navy's status was to continuously increase the navy's budget, thereby highlighting the navy's importance in national defense.

However, if the navy wants to increase its budget, it has to join forces with the army to fight against the government, making it even more difficult to break free from the military politics dominated by the army. Most of the public's dissatisfaction with the military comes from the fact that military spending accounts for as much as 30% of the budget. In the eyes of the public, the army and navy are one entity. What is the difference between the army being in charge and the navy being subordinate, or the navy being in charge and the army being subordinate?

The most crucial aspect of Lin Xinyi's proposed grand strategy is the separation from the army, abandoning the army-dominated military politics and replacing it with a navy-dominated Eurasian Grand Alliance. Just as the public only thinks of the army and navy when talking about the military, in the future, whenever the Grand Alliance is mentioned, the public will only remember the navy and forget the existence of the army. This is the true trend of the sea as the master and the land as the servant.

Faced with a young man who could lead the navy to new heights, it was only natural for Ito Genro to defend Hayashi Shinichi. In particular, Hayashi Shinichi was able to actually propose a way to dismantle the army organization, rather than suppressing the army by forcibly cutting the army's budget. This was even more commendable. No wonder Ito Genro did not want Hayashi Shinichi to continue speaking. If the contents of today's meeting were leaked, Hayashi Shinichi would probably be regarded as a real thorn in the side by the entire army.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe naturally wouldn't try to retain Hayashi Shin'yū. After the grand strategy was brought up in this debate, Sato Tetsutaro's theory of proactive defense had already failed, because Sato's theory was quite specific and lacked timeliness. In essence, the theory of proactive defense seemed more like a theory devised after the war when the navy needed an enemy. And who else could be the powerful enemy crossing the Pacific besides the United States?

The grand strategy, on the other hand, is based on the new world order that Japan needs to seek in the future. The difference in scope between the two is like heaven and earth. Not to mention that the active defense theory has almost no other strategies besides the budget proposal for the Eight-Eight Fleet. In other words, the active defense theory has only one purpose: to go to war with the United States.

This strategy is actually disadvantageous for the navy because if the Eight-Eight Fleet is completed but the navy doesn't go to war with the US, the public will feel deceived, and any future actions the navy takes will be questioned by the public. Therefore, it's a one-off deal. However, the grand strategy is different. This plan includes many aspects, and it can be said that, except for the army which has nothing to do, everyone can find their place in the grand strategy. This means that there is more room for adjustment in the plan, and the responsibility will not be borne solely by the navy.

Therefore, even the younger officers in the fleet who had actively opposed the downsizing plan before the meeting were filled with curiosity about the grand strategy. In this respect, Kawahara had achieved his goal; by supplementing the new naval roadmap, he successfully swayed the younger officers' stance. At this point, keeping Hayashi Nobuyoshi around was pointless, because even if Hayashi Nobuyoshi was suppressed, the grand strategy could not be erased from everyone's minds.

Lin Xinyi himself had no intention of staying any longer. He had done all the work he could, and the next step was for both sides to show their cards. As a mere lieutenant, he was certainly not suited to participate in such a situation.

After Lin Xinyi stepped down, Yamamoto Gonbei was already considering how to end the meeting as quickly as possible, as he felt the meeting was beginning to turn against him. However, before he could find a suitable excuse, Kawahara had already revealed his true colors.

"You've all heard the theoretical supplements regarding the Eight-Eight Fleet case and the new route plan. Before you vote, I have something else to say. I wonder what everyone thinks about the Russian Vladivostok fleet's attacks on our merchant ships and its approach to Tokyo during the war? The public has accumulated a lot of dissatisfaction with the navy because of this."