Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 186

What Tamura didn't know was that the Navy hadn't won over Tojo Hideaki with just a few words. Instead, it had repeatedly exchanged views with Tojo about the Army through visits from newspaper reporters. Finally, Hayashi Nobuyoshi, in his capacity as a Navy officer, confronted Tojo Hideaki. The Army was too focused on whether Tojo had any dealings with the Navy, but neglected his interactions with people outside the military.

Of course, at this time, the army and navy were quite closed circles. The navy was a little better off, with many new recruits coming from ordinary middle schools. However, the backbone of the army was almost entirely from the army's junior elementary schools. There weren't many applicants from ordinary middle schools. After all, those who could get into the army officer academy could also get into a high school. Given the chance, people would rather become officers than join the military. Moreover, compulsory education in Japan had not yet been extended to middle schools. Therefore, those who could apply to officer academies and ordinary high schools were almost all from relatively well-off families or had exceptionally outstanding intelligence.

Those from families with sufficient financial means naturally preferred to attend university. After all, the Meiji government was still willing to accept university graduates. Once they passed the civil service exam, it became increasingly difficult for ordinary university graduates to pass it. At that point, average-achieving high school students would choose the military, where advancement was easier. As for the bright but impoverished students, they were the recipients of subsidies from the zaibatsu (financial conglomerates), so tuition was not a concern for them.

Therefore, interpersonal relationships between the Army and Navy are still quite simple; one glance is enough to understand who they associate with. It's only after leaving the military and venturing into politics that military personnel's social relationships become more complex. Although Tamura was already wary of the Navy's attempts to win over Tojo Hideaki, he couldn't personally monitor the Tojo family and could only rely on his subordinates to observe. Since his subordinates didn't see any Navy personnel at the Tojo residence, they naturally assumed that Tojo wasn't colluding with the Navy.

Tamura, believing that Tojo was in a predicament of being abandoned by the military, naturally saw himself as Tojo's savior. After all, no one else had come to save Tojo yet. Therefore, with the intention of winning him over, he said, "You don't need to worry about that. The Navy will submit the list provided by the Naval General Staff directly to His Majesty. As long as His Majesty approves, the Navy can transfer the personnel there. The Personnel Bureau has no reason to obstruct it. And it's even simpler for you. As a retired general, the Navy doesn't need to go through the Personnel Bureau. They can just transfer you back to active duty."

Although Tojo Hideaki already knew how this worked, hearing it again from Tamura still stirred his excitement. He had never imagined such a method could restore his military rank. However, following Hayashi Nobuyoshi's advice, he suppressed his emotions and asked Tamura, "So, what do I need to do for this?"

Tamura was satisfied with Tojo's reaction. He had come specifically to communicate with Tojo because he wanted Tojo to obey him. He couldn't help but think that it wasn't such a bad thing that the Choshu faction had driven Tojo out of the army; at least it had worn down Tojo's arrogance. Such a person was someone he could trust to use. Although he thought this, Tamura said aloud, "Although your return to active duty is largely due to the Navy, I hope you remember that you are still a member of the Army and will return to the Army in the future. So even if you serve in the Navy, please consider yourself a member of the Army."

Tojo stared at Tamura without speaking for a moment. Although he appeared to be deep in thought, he was inwardly dismissive of Tamura's words. Hayashi Nobuyoshi had already analyzed the Army's reaction yesterday. Once Tamura returned to active duty and joined the Navy, he would become valuable to the Army, but this value depended on the Navy's regard for him. If the Navy considered him less important, then the Army would also lose interest in him.

Tojo bowed to Tamura and replied, "I understand what Commander-in-Chief Tamura means. Even in the Navy, I will obey Commander-in-Chief Tamura's orders. But what exactly does the Navy want me to do there? Do they really want to build a small army within the Navy?"

Tamura was very satisfied with Tojo's response, which showed that Tojo had finally become more astute and that the army, represented by the Choshu faction, obeyed him. This indicated that Tojo's mind had finally become more flexible, and what he needed was someone who could provide him with information from within the navy. Therefore, he couldn't help but reveal some of his true thoughts to Tojo: "Actually, the army has never quite grasped the navy's intentions."

Of course, it's almost certain that the Navy wants to establish a small army capable of handling land combat. However, the Army side still doesn't understand exactly what role this small army will play. Our concern isn't actually that the Navy wants to establish a small army, but rather that the Navy will completely erase the Army's role from its own defense policy. If that happens, a conflict between the Army and Navy is inevitable.

Tamura's analysis genuinely surprised Tojo Hideaki, because Hayashi Shinichi hadn't discussed this matter with him yesterday. However, after a moment's thought, he realized that this possibility wasn't entirely out of the question, and asked with some concern, "Is it really possible for the Navy's defense policy to completely erase the role of the Army?"

Tamura nodded thoughtfully, saying, "If the navy seeks peace among Japan, China, and Russia, it means that Japan and China will turn from enemies to friends. In that case, Japan would not need a continental army to counter the pressure from both China and Russia. With the Korean Peninsula in a defensive position, the navy's southern strategy does indeed require only a large fleet and a small army. Once the islands in the South Pacific are blockaded and divided by the fleet, they can be defeated one by one. This is exactly what I am worried about."

After pondering for a moment, Hideaki Tojo nodded and said, "This could indeed be the Navy's defense policy. But since you've already seen the Navy's intentions, why did you agree to let the Navy establish such a small army?"

Tamura hesitated for a moment before explaining, "Actually, this is just my personal opinion, and I haven't reported it to Elder Yamagata yet. After all, this is a critical time for negotiations and cooperation between the Army and Navy. Making unfounded accusations against the Navy's intentions would completely cause a rift between the Army and Navy, and I cannot bear such a responsibility."

Tojo was somewhat surprised by Tamura's answer. He felt that Tamura's words were a bit of a sophistry. He was clearly thinking about the future of the army, so how could he bear the responsibility of splitting the army and navy? However, he quickly thought of his own situation and realized that Tamura's judgment was reasonable. If the army and navy really broke apart because of this, the Choshu faction would certainly throw Tamura out to quell the navy's anger, which would also make room for the Choshu faction.

Looking at it this way, Tamura definitely understood the thoughts of the Choshu faction and the army's high command better than he did. No wonder Tamura was able to become the Chief of Staff, while he was ousted from the army. Thinking of this, Tojo's slight anxiety about the army vanished instantly. So be it if the army is ruined by the navy; it's all the Choshu people's fault anyway.

After letting out a sigh, Hideaki Tojo asked, "So what should I do in the Navy? As an outsider, I'm afraid even if I join the Navy, they won't tell me the truth."

Tamura said confidently, "You just need to find out as much as possible about the movements of a lieutenant colonel named Hayashi Nobuyoshi in the Naval General Staff. I suspect that he is the real mastermind of the Navy. The things that Ito, Kawahara, and Togo are doing are probably all being planned by him."

Hideaki Tojo looked at the other person with some astonishment. After Kawakami Soroku died, he was kicked out of the General Staff Headquarters. Therefore, he was relatively uninformed about the intelligence between the army and the navy. Although he knew that the army had suffered several losses at the hands of the navy, he really did not expect that the young man he was talking to would have such an identity.

Tamura assumed Tojo didn't believe him, so he explained, "Anyway, you'll probably hear about it once you're in the Navy, so let me tell you about Lieutenant Commander Hayashi Nobuyoshi's background..."

Tamura's collection of materials on Lin Xinyi's past is the most comprehensive in the army. Aside from the unclear true relationship between Lin Xinyi and the Wuhan Workers' Party, almost all of Lin Xinyi's activities in China and India have been meticulously documented. This information can be found by simply looking at British and Chinese newspapers.

For those unaware that Lin Xinyi is Lin Feng, this information might simply be a legendary tale. However, for some within the Army General Staff, Lin Xinyi's danger surpasses that of Togo Masamichi, second only to Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and Kawahara Yoichi. As the Army considers competing with the Navy for budget and power, it can no longer afford to ignore Lieutenant Colonel Lin Xinyi.

Hearing this information, Hideaki Tojo was deeply moved. If he could relinquish his position to Nobuyoshi Hayashi, his military career would be truly fulfilling. This was precisely the legendary path of a samurai he desired. Helping a weaker opponent defeat a seemingly invincible enemy—what could be more in line with the spirit of enduring seven hardships and eight tribulations pursued by Shikanosuke Yamanaka? And Nobuyoshi Hayashi had succeeded.

Tojo couldn't help but exclaim, "This is truly a model of a warrior. He can be called the Shikanosuke of our time."

Tamura nodded slightly and said, "Therefore, we must understand his movements. Although he is only a lieutenant colonel, his influence in the navy should not be limited to young officers. People like Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, Kawahara Yoichi, Saitō Minoru, and Togo Masamichi can all see clearly what they want, but I still haven't been able to figure out what Hayashi Shin'ichi really wants. Only after he has completed his plan can I realize it. Such a person is a fearsome opponent for the army."

Indeed, everyone's calling you Im Shingen isn't wrong. Takeda Shingen was always one step behind Oda Nobunaga, which is why he ultimately lost the country. You seem to be one step behind Hayashi Shin'ichi as well, which is why you're coming to me now. Tojo silently complained to Tamura in his heart. He had just realized that when the Toyo Keizai Shimbun approached him to write a book, Hayashi Shin'ichi had probably already set his sights on him. At that time, Tamura was completely unaware of anything. It wasn't until the Navy started pushing for the establishment of the Marine Corps Command that Tamura remembered to send him to be a spy for the Army. That was quite a timely plan.

Tamura's visit today not only failed to restore Tojo Hideaki's faith in the army, but further destroyed his last shred of affection for it. If the army led by the Choshu faction were simply bad, he could probably tolerate it, but to be so foolish as to be manipulated by the navy, he truly had no desire to be loyal to the army anymore.

Tamura, as the army's mastermind, was utterly defeated by Hayashi Nobuyoshi in this round. If Hayashi Nobuyoshi were truly the navy's mastermind, it's easy to imagine that his fate as an army spy within the navy would be far worse than it is now. How could Tojo be willing to die for an organization he hates? His last shred of hesitation vanished, and he solemnly said to Tamura, "Understood. I will definitely keep a close eye on Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi and ensure your efforts are not wasted..."

After communicating with Tojo Hideaki, Tamura was satisfied, believing he had made sufficient promises. As an army general, Tojo Hideaki had little future in the navy, since he wasn't Saigo's son. Therefore, if Tojo wanted to return to the army, he would accept Tamura's suggestion.

After returning, Tamura actively promoted the establishment of a consultation system between the army and the navy, and reached an agreement with the navy to mutually dispatch personnel. The army does indeed need a small fleet under its control for its inland waters, such as the Yalu River, Ussuri River, Tumen River, and Heilongjiang River. These inland rivers have close security ties with the army, and each time assistance is needed from the navy, which is obviously quite time-consuming.

Although the Army's top brass had reservations about the Navy establishing a Marine Corps Command, the Army generally agreed on the establishment of a mainland inland river fleet. In fact, some Army generals believed that the Army should also establish a mainland coastal fleet to conduct daily security along the Korean Peninsula and the Liaodong Peninsula, thereby avoiding being subject to the Navy's interference in the mainland's policies.

However, while the consultation mechanisms and cooperation projects between the Army and Navy progressed smoothly, discussions on the Imperial Defense Policy remained fraught with difficulties. Adhering to the will of Yamagata and the Army, Tanaka Giichi proposed two key points in the defense policy discussions: domestically, to achieve strategic and political equality; and externally, to designate China, led by Wuhan, as Japan's primary future enemy.

The navy, on the other hand, put forward two completely opposite propositions. Domestically, strategy must be subordinate to the realities of the national economy; that is, strategy must be consistent with Japan's national strength, and Japan should not blindly create an invincible enemy. While emphasizing this, the navy avoided discussing whether strategy should be subordinate to political strategy.

Another point is that the navy believes Japan's future enemies will be adversaries with strong naval power, because without a strong naval force, no one will dare to launch an attack on Japan's mainland sphere of influence. Furthermore, Japan's expansion will not target the powerful nations already firmly established on the mainland, but rather the colonies of the great powers in Southeast Asia and the Pacific.

The navy believes that both Russia and China are countries with large, dominant ethnic groups, and once such countries awaken their national consciousness, they are very difficult to conquer and turn into colonies.

Take Korea, a country with less than half the population of Japan, as an example. Even now, the Koreans are still resisting. The army has not been able to suppress the Koreans' resistance against Japanese rule at all. In fact, the army can only control the capital and places with convenient transportation such as the railway line. The countryside has been completely left to the Korean yangban landlords to rule. Even so, the Koreans are still carrying out righteous army movements and regard the Japanese as irreconcilable enemies.

Navy Captain Kazuyoshi Yamaji stated, "The army is already exhausted by Korea alone. If they want to conquer China, which has ten times the population of Japan, and Russia, which has nearly four times the population, then the defense policy proposed by the army is not for Japan's external enemies, but to try to destroy the Imperial Navy through war. After all, once such a war starts, all resources will be concentrated on the army. What can the navy do besides transporting supplies for the army?"

Faced with Colonel Yamaji's questioning, Tanaka Giichi could only evade the question by saying, "The Navy can also conduct amphibious landing operations in South China. The Army will never reduce the Navy's budget in the name of the continental policy."

Colonel Yamaji scoffed, “Southern China is within the sphere of influence of Britain and France. If we want to land in southern China, we must first force the British and French to leave. Has Japan become so powerful that it can be at odds with the whole world? Invading China while simultaneously provoking Britain and France?”

Furthermore, didn't you just say you wanted to rally the British and American powers to jointly divide China? Now you want the navy to go south and seize British and French territory? Do you think the navy is stupid? Does the army even have the sincerity to discuss defense policy with the navy? Or are you just trying to get the navy to report the army's defense policy to His Majesty?"

Chapter 626

Lieutenant Colonel Tanaka could hardly find a suitable reason to persuade Colonel Yamaji, because the policy of equality between strategy and politics meant that the army and navy lost a common binding force. In the past, everyone was able to reach a consensus on launching the Sino-Japanese War and fighting against Russia because they shared the idea of ​​making Japan rich and powerful.

However, now that the Army has abandoned the government's constraints on the military and adopted the Continental Policy, which is beneficial to the Army in obtaining more resources, as its strategy, the Navy naturally cannot accept this.

From the navy's perspective, the best strategy for the navy is to maintain peace on the mainland. As long as the Korean Peninsula is preserved as a passage that blocks mainland countries from attacking Japan, then Japan should not have any additional territorial demands on the mainland, and then it is the right path to focus all its efforts on developing southward.

This idea had already begun to emerge after the navy broke away from the control of the army. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's concept of an island empire was the initial manifestation of this idea becoming a naval strategy. However, the navy had never had a solution for the British, American, and French countries that occupied the South Pacific. Therefore, although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had the concept of an island empire, he could not come up with a complete maritime policy and could only shout about heading south.

However, after Lin Xinyi joined the navy, he made specific plans for the navy's southward strategy and successfully seized Mindanao from the Americans, thus breaking the British and American blockade of Japan's southward passage. The concept of the island empire was no longer an empty slogan to secure funding for the navy, but a practical and feasible plan.

It was precisely because of Hayashi Nobuyoshi's concrete implementation of the island empire ideals that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was unable to use his power to suppress him, because he could not deny his own ideals and thus trigger a crisis of trust within the navy. From a certain perspective, Hayashi Nobuyoshi was indeed more in line with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's needs for the future of the navy than Saito Minoru. For Yamamoto, Saito was simply the successor to power, while Hayashi Nobuyoshi was the successor and promoter of the island empire ideals.

Yamaji Kazuyoshi understood his father-in-law's thoughts and knew what the new consensus in the Navy was. Therefore, he naturally wouldn't pursue budget allocation issues with the Army, but instead directly pointed out the differences in interests between the Army and the Navy. Colonel Takashi Tsurugi of the Ministry of Finance failed to grasp this point and tried to use an equal allocation of the budget to counter the Army's strategic strength, which led to his expulsion from the Naval General Staff.

Tanaka Giichi was also very troubled by Yamaji Kazuyoshi's unwillingness to compromise on strategic direction. When he contacted Tsaibe Hayao last year, although the other party did not agree with the army on strategic direction, they still had a consensus on budget issues. Of course, the two of them did not have formal authorization last year, but were private discussions conducted with the tacit approval of the army and navy high-ranking officials.

Discussing official business in private meetings is actually the normal way for the Army and Navy to consult. Since the Navy became independent from the Army, it is wary of the Army's attempts to interfere in its internal affairs. Therefore, the Navy will not accept formal consultation requests from the Army. This is why Yamagata Aritomo had to write to the Emperor in order to get the Army and Navy to sit down together through the Emperor's edict. Moreover, the two sides sitting down together was a consultation between the institutions that assist the Emperor, not a consultation between the Army and Navy.

One particular advantage of private meetings is that they allow for the agreement that if problems arise, both the Army and Navy can deny the allegations, claiming that it was merely the personal behavior of the officers and not a concrete commitment from the Army and Navy. Therefore, there are fewer reservations when speaking in private meetings, and Tanaka Giichi quickly reached an agreement with Tsaibe Hideyoshi on the expansion of both the Army and Navy.

However, such formal talks are more troublesome now. All conversations will be recorded, and Tanaka cannot give a clear answer to Colonel Yamaji's questions. Similarly, he cannot make any other promises on behalf of the Army. If the Navy takes the meeting minutes to court against the Army, he will become the scapegoat.

So the Army-Navy Consultative Conference had just overcome the hurdles of the consultation mechanism and the cooperation model between the Army and the Navy, but it was blocked by the differences in strategic direction. Without first determining the strategic direction, it was impossible to put forward the next military expansion plan. Even if such a consultation was reported, the Army could not use it to ask the government to increase the budget.

To this day, the government and parliament remain completely unaware of the consultations held by the Army and Navy regarding the Empire's defense policy. The Army is well aware that once the outside world learns of this meeting, public opinion will likely prioritize maintaining peace, since military expansion requires increased budgets, and Japan currently does not have the extra budget for the military.

So, with the Navy blocking the strategic direction, the Army was at a loss again. They could neither persuade the Navy to abandon its position nor use public opinion to force the Navy to back down, and the negotiation meeting once again reached a stalemate.

Before Tamura could come up with a solution, a turmoil erupted within the army. This was triggered by an imperial edict ordering the army to mobilize a group of personnel to assist the navy in establishing a Marine Corps command. The Ministry of the Army, upon receiving the edict, was bewildered. Initially, they didn't understand whether this was beneficial to the army. Then, seeing the names of Hideaki Tojo and Keizo Yamaguchi on the coordination list, Military Affairs Section Chief Oi Shigemoto became furious, slamming his fist on the table and berating the General Staff for disrupting army order.

Ooi Shigemoto was a direct descendant of the Choshu faction. He took a positive stance on driving out military veterans like Tojo Hideaki and Yamaguchi Keizo who threatened the Choshu faction. After all, it would be difficult for those of them who were not from the Choshu faction to rise in rank if Tojo and others who were not from the Choshu faction led the army.

Although Nagaoka Gaishi, the director of the Military Affairs Bureau, felt quite sympathetic to the fate of the two classmates, he could not go against the faction's decision on this issue. Faced with Ooi Narimoto's fierce opposition, he could only say indifferently that the General Staff had submitted a report to the Emperor on its own initiative with the Naval General Staff without consulting the Ministry of the Army, which was obviously ill-considered.

At this time, although Vice Minister of the Army Shinroku Ishimoto was not from Choshu, he was a confidant of Terauchi Masatake. Faced with the dissatisfaction of the Choshu faction within the Ministry of the Army, he dared not make decisions on his own and could only pass the matter on to Minister of the Army Terauchi.

Terauchi Masatake immediately informed Katsura Taro, who was in charge of education. Both of them were furious about the General Staff's unilateral actions. Katsura Taro also suspected that Yamagata had tacitly approved of the matter, since Yamagata was directly in charge of the Army-Navy Consultative Conference Room, and neither the Director of Education nor the Minister of the Army could interfere.

The two men, who were already dissatisfied with Yamagata's decisions on many issues, saw Yamagata's appointment of the third head of the Choshu faction and the decision to let Tamura of the Kodama faction take control of the General Staff as a political maneuver by Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake.

After Kodama's death, although Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake still had differing opinions on how to use and divide Kodama's faction, they both agreed that Kodama's small group had to be dismantled and that this organization, which was intended to divide the Choshu faction, could not be allowed to continue to exist. Tamura Itsuki and Akiyama Yoshifuru were two key figures in dismantling Kodama's group; the former was highly respected in the military, while the latter maintained the Choshu faction's goodwill towards the group.

Therefore, Katsura Taro opposed having Tamura take over as Chief of the General Staff. He believed that having Tamura as Chief of the General Staff and Tamura as Inspector General of Education, and then transferring Tamura to the reserve, would be the best way for the Choshu faction to stabilize the army.

Although all three officers of the Army had the power to report directly to the Emperor, their powers within the Army differed. Unlike the Ministry of the Navy, which only established its Education Headquarters and Naval General Staff after becoming independent, the Army's three major power structures had already been largely established before the Ministry of War was split into the Army and Navy Ministries in 1872.

The power of the army education system began with the introduction of Western and French training of new troops. The Southwestern War was essentially a victory of the new officer class, who had learned Western methods, over the old aristocracy. The establishment of the Army University was a victory of the German-trained faction over the French-trained faction. Taking advantage of France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War, the army shifted from the French system to the German system.

However, this shift within the army was not simply a confrontation between those who had studied in Germany and those who had studied in France. Yamagata Aritomo and Oyama Iwao, both students who had studied in France, were the main driving forces behind the shift towards the German system, although it was Katsura Taro who initially proposed it. The reason why Yamagata and Oyama, who had initially wanted to introduce the French military system to Japan, ultimately decided to abandon its adoption was certainly not because of France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War.

Instead, Yamagata needed to use this shift to purge the non-Chōshū faction's high-ranking army officials and solidify the Chōshū faction's dominance in the army. The Satsuma Rebellion shattered the Satsuma faction's control over the army, but the beneficiaries were not the Chōshū faction, but rather the feudal lords who had previously held subordinate positions in the anti-shogunate coalition. If these people could not be purged from the army, then the Chōshū faction's elimination of allies like Satsuma and Tosa would actually give the non-mainstream factions in the anti-shogunate coalition an opportunity to rise.

It was through the change in the military system that the possibility of these generals from non-mainstream clan backgrounds succeeding the army's top brass was blocked. This is also why almost all the first batch of students in the Army University were from the Kanto region. Since the Choshu faction could not produce any talent, they simply selected officers from the bandit clans who had been suppressed.

Therefore, the Choshu faction's dominance in the army wasn't something that came about from the beginning. It arose after they defeated the mainstream forces of Satsuma and Tosa, united with the elites of the Kanto region, and suppressed the non-mainstream forces of the anti-shogunate army, thus establishing Choshu's absolute power. However, while the Choshu faction achieved control of the army, they also broke the concept that the army was the successor to the anti-shogunate coalition, transforming it into a newly established national army after the Meiji Restoration. This is why the ideology of the Imperial Army became prevalent within the military.

For officers who were not from the Choshu faction, since the army was the national army established by the Meiji Restoration government and was loyal to the Emperor, the Choshu faction lost its legitimacy in leading the army. This was because everyone was a member of the Japanese nation and a subject of the Emperor. Saigo Takamori, who had the greatest merit in overthrowing the shogunate, could be overthrown, so why should Yamagata Aritomo treat the army as his own vegetable garden, where he could grow whatever he wanted?

In the view of Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake, the army was actually the successor to the anti-shogunate coalition. The Choshu faction's leadership of the army was determined by the anti-shogunate coalition's achievement in overthrowing the shogunate's rule. Without the anti-shogunate coalition, where would the Meiji Restoration government be? Therefore, the equal relationship between the military and the government was established. In fact, many people felt that the military should be above the government. When the government was unable to manage the country, the military had the mission of dissolving the government and saving the country.

These two schools of thought in the army directly evolved into a confrontation between the Choshu faction and the non-Choshu faction. Kodama's idea was to make a gentle transition, that is, to transition from the shogunate's allied forces to the national army, and to expand the Choshu faction's ideas about the army to the entire army, thereby automatically eliminating the differences between the Choshu faction and the non-Choshu faction.

Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake emphasized that an army without the leadership of the Choshu faction could not become a national army; it would only become a disorganized mess, allowing the military to be controlled by the government. To prevent the nationalization of the army, control of the General Staff was crucial. Although the General Staff only became independent from the Ministry of the Army in 1878, the Army War College was directly under its command, and it was impossible to become a high-ranking officer in the army without attending the War College—this was Yamagata's method of controlling the army.

Now that Yamagata has appointed Tamura as Chief of the General Staff, isn't that tantamount to transferring personnel power from the Army? Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake are naturally finding this unacceptable. And now, Tamura's cooperative plan with the Navy has indeed unfortunately come true, something Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake are naturally unwilling to accept.

However, even Yamagata would find it difficult to deny the fact that the Emperor had already issued an edict. When Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake came to point out the problem and asked Yamagata to persuade the Imperial Household to retract its order, it was clear that they wanted Yamagata to take responsibility. Even if Yamagata knew that the report submitted by the General Staff Headquarters was problematic, he would not accept their suggestion at this moment.

Within the army, Tamura's proposals were not without supporters. For example, the Satsuma and Sakura factions, represented by Uehara Isamu, felt that communication with the navy was feasible, and therefore, it was not inappropriate to transfer Tojo Hideaki back to active duty. After all, Tojo Hideaki's forced retirement was clearly an overreaction by the Choshu faction.

Although Uehara Yusaku was not from Satsuma, his father-in-law was Nozu Michūken, a veteran of the Satsuma Army. He, along with Ōyama Iwao and Kawamura Kageaki, became representatives of the Satsuma faction in the army. Of course, Ōyama Iwao was closer to the Choshu faction and formed the core of the Choshu faction with Yamagata. However, Nozu Michūken was more inclined to be a Satsuma, so he became a representative of the Satsuma clique in the army.

Tamura served as Nozu Michitsuna's chief of staff during the war, so Nozu Michitsuna naturally supported Tamura, merely using his son-in-law's words to express his stance. Even Kawamura Kageaki, who had driven Tojo Hideaki back from the front lines, was dissatisfied with the Choshu faction's decision to retire Tojo Hideaki. It wasn't that he had any affection for Tojo himself, but rather that he felt the Choshu faction had amplified their actions by using his exclusion of Tojo, making him appear as the villain.

Of course, Kawamura wouldn't say anything about the retirement issue. Anyway, Tojo Hideaki wouldn't appreciate it, so why should he make an enemy of the Choshu faction for someone he didn't respect? However, when Tamura stepped forward to revise the Choshu faction's personnel decisions, he followed Nozu Michitsura's lead and supported Tamura, believing that since the Emperor's edict had been issued, soldiers should obey unconditionally.

Terauchi Masatake turned around and suddenly realized that his accusations against Tamura had not only failed to turn Tamura into a traitor to the army, but had instead put himself in the spotlight. The old men who had been suppressed by the Choshu faction, under the banner of unconditional obedience to the Emperor's edict, criticized him extensively, believing that he was no longer suitable to serve as Minister of the Army because he had lost his respect for the Emperor.

The younger officers below him also dismissed his accusations against Tamura, believing that as Minister of the Army, instead of considering resisting the government's decree to reduce the military, he was busy with factional struggles all day long. It was as if removing Tamura from the position of Minister of the Army General Staff would prevent the army from reducing its military strength. This was just an incompetent person making excuses for himself.

Terauchi Masatake then realized that while Tamura's concessions to the navy had somewhat damaged the army's reputation, cooperation with the navy could solve the resettlement problem for some officers. Whether they went to the navy or formed a continental river fleet, it was at least a way out for officers facing demobilization. Although there was opposition to demobilization throughout the military, only the officers had the power to express their opposition. No matter how dissatisfied the soldiers were, it was difficult for them to unite. At most, they could incite a battalion to riot, but if the officers were to unite, it would be at the regimental or divisional level.

Although Tamura's concessions to the Navy were a disgrace to the Army, they saved the positions of some officers. These officers naturally sided with Tamura and opposed him. In any case, the fate of Tojo Hideaki had already shown that unless you were from Choshu, no matter how capable you were, you could not expect to rise in the Army. Therefore, people naturally had no expectations for the Choshu faction.

Chapter 627

Terauchi Masatake originally intended to use this opportunity to bring Tamura down, but he suddenly realized that his efforts had not only failed to harm Tamura, but had instead backfired on him. Faced with unanimous criticism from the army, even Katsura Taro advised him to step back and relinquish his position as minister to avoid triggering an even greater upheaval within the army.

Terauchi Masatake knew that Katsura Taro was thinking of him, since he really couldn't do anything about the government's disarmament order. Yamagata only told him to wait patiently until he could negotiate a defense policy with the navy and then ask the government to make concessions in the name of the Emperor.

To be honest, this method wasn't actually Yamagata's idea. During the second Ito cabinet, the army and navy wanted to launch a war against China, but the budget couldn't be passed. So Ito Hirobumi directly asked the Emperor for instructions, and the Emperor issued an edict ordering the House of Representatives to pass the budget.

With such a successful precedent, Yamagata naturally wanted to follow suit. Once he reached an agreement with the Navy on defense policy, he could then request the Emperor to issue an edict approving the military budget, thereby avoiding the issue of troop reduction.

However, Terauchi has now drawn the ire of the army by attacking Tamura first, exposing the internal conflicts within the army. This has drawn the army's resentment over the disarmament issue onto him. Now, he can no longer wait for the imperial defense policy to be released, because the entire army is focusing its resentment on him. In addition to the disarmament issue, there is also dissatisfaction with the Choshu faction's seizure of power. This means that if he remains in the position of minister, his reputation will likely be ruined.

The problem is that Terauchi doesn't think he did anything wrong. This was clearly a problem caused by Tamura betraying the army, so why is he being blamed in the end? He angrily replied to Katsura Taro, "I can give up the position of minister, but who will take the position? Does the fact that someone becomes minister solve the problem of disarmament? Don't we still have to rely on His Majesty to issue an edict?"

　This is clearly a problem that no one can solve, yet the blame is being placed on me. I find this unacceptable. I also don't want to step down in such a dishonorable manner, otherwise, in the future, when people mention me, they will only think of me as incompetent.

　Katsura Taro was also unwilling to let Terauchi Masatake be ousted from his post. Terauchi was the most supportive peer in the army, and if he just sat by and watched Terauchi be ousted, who would support him in the future? Moreover, he also bore responsibility for this matter. If he hadn't suggested that Terauchi publicly hold Tamura accountable, it wouldn't have caused such a public outcry in the military.

　If it were just a private accountability meeting, then perhaps no one would care about this matter, after all, it could be seen as an internal struggle between the Choshu faction and its collateral branches. However, the Minister of the Navy publicly criticized the Chief of the General Staff, which escalated the problem. The power struggle between the Ministry of the Navy and the General Staff directly led to the fate of various factions in the military.

　Clearly, Terauchi's attempt to criticize Tamura from the Army's perspective failed to gain popular support; instead, Tamura became a figurehead against the Choshu faction. This is why Terauchi faced unanimous criticism from outsiders.

　If Katsura Taro just watches Terauchi fall from power, Terauchi might harbor resentment towards him after calming down. Katsura Taro, whose reputation had already plummeted due to the collapse of the army cabinet, naturally did not want even his supporters in the military to abandon him.

　After much deliberation, Katsura Taro gave Terauchi a suggestion that would be detrimental to both himself and others: "At this point, we may have no choice but to take a risky approach. You should submit a letter to the cabinet in the name of the Minister of the Army, opposing the reduction of troops and retaining the temporary wartime division system. If Prime Minister Saionji does not accept this, you should announce your resignation. In this way, the internal divisions within the army can be concealed."

　Terauchi Masatake was stunned for a while after hearing this suggestion. It was indeed the most favorable resignation plan for him, but the most unfavorable plan for the army and the government, because the government could not find another general willing to accept the reduction of troops to serve as Minister of the Army, unless the government abandoned the reduction plan, but was that possible?

　He said to Katsura Taro with some concern, "Won't doing this make the public think that the military is too domineering?"

Katsura Taro appeared rather arrogant on this issue, stating without any restraint, "This is at least more proactive than waiting for the Emperor to issue a decree. Does forcing the Emperor to support the army not count as being domineering? The elders can pressure the Imperial Household, so why can't we pressure the government? Besides, the government started this whole thing. If they hadn't initiated this disarmament bill, would we have had to resort to such tactics? The nation isn't the government's private property..."

After much deliberation, Terauchi Masatake realized that if he took a gamble, the government might still have room to concede; if he didn't, the military would have no reason to obey his orders anymore. He ultimately accepted Katsura Taro's suggestion. To avoid Yamagata's opposition, the two decided not to inform Yamagata in advance, but to send someone to notify Yamagata and Oyama before submitting the report.

Before receiving the proposal from Terauchi Masatake regarding the conversion of wartime divisions into permanent divisions, Prime Minister Saionji Kinmochi felt that the government's work was gradually getting back on track. The peace issue that had troubled and ultimately led to the downfall of the Ito and Katsura cabinets had finally been resolved under his leadership. With the successive collapses of two cabinets, public resentment had been largely vented, and now everyone was focusing on domestic economic issues; the issue of war reparations was finally no longer on anyone's mind.

On domestic economic issues, discussions about rural relief and reform, while sparking heated debates, also helped the government attract considerable public attention. The antagonism between the rural faction and the business faction meant that the public had no time to focus on the mistakes and losses the government had made in foreign affairs.

This gave the Saionji Cabinet an opportunity to repair relations with China and Russia. However, under constant public scrutiny, such efforts to repair diplomatic relations were unlikely to be understood by a public filled with disappointment. Relationships between nations cannot be simply compared to relationships between people, because nations cannot easily make 180-degree turns.

People can become best friends in three minutes and enemies in three days, because people only have one thought and don't argue about more than one. But a nation cannot be so fickle, because it is difficult for a nation to establish a unified consensus. Constantly shifting its diplomatic relations will first and foremost divide its people.

The relationship between Japan and China, and between Japan and Russia, is based on the premise that Japan cannot eliminate these two countries. As long as Japan cannot eliminate China and Russia, it must deal with these two neighbors, and the relationship between Japan and China and between Japan and Russia must be maintained. Otherwise, a situation will arise in which Russia and China unite to deal with Japan.

In this war, Russia was opposed by Japan, China, and Britain. Even the United States, France, and Germany did not stand with Russia. This was because Russia's past inconsistent actions in international relations made everyone feel that it was an unstable factor that needed to be taught a lesson. Japan naturally could not follow the same path as Russia. Since it could not gain more benefits from China and Russia, it had to treat these two countries as enemies.

However, the public, stirred by a passion for external conquest, cannot accept such rational judgment. Their minds are consumed by the idea of ​​continuing to strengthen military power until China and Russia bow to Japan and surrender their interests. This unrealistic nationalism greatly interferes with diplomacy, because public sentiment makes it difficult for governments to understand Japan's true intentions.

Following the Hibiya Incident, the British opinion of Japan plummeted. The British, who had considered Japan a cornerstone of their Far East strategy, suddenly felt that this younger Eastern ally was far from being a civilized nation; at the very least, the Japanese seemed incapable of rationally assessing international relations. Consequently, the new British Minister to China, Sir John Jordan, publicly criticized Japan, arguing that Japan's attempt to occupy Manchuria under the banner of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was an act of insatiable greed.

Sir John Jordan was a British diplomat who had lived in the East for a long time. He not only served as consul in various parts of China, but also as minister to the Korean Peninsula before the war. Before the war, both Jordan and Morrison were supporters of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, believing that this alliance could prevent Russian invasion of the Korean Peninsula and Manchuria, thereby maintaining the international order in East Asia.

However, after the outbreak of war, both men's views on Japan changed. On the one hand, the bravery of the Japanese army on the battlefield and their barbarity towards civilians completely revealed the docility of Japan as an Eastern people. What Britain needed was a sheepdog to guard the order of East Asia, not a hungry wolf.

Although Britain had tacitly agreed that the Korean Peninsula would become a reward for Japan, its intention in giving it to Japan was to provide a buffer zone from the mainland and thus prevent Japan from pursuing other territories on the mainland. However, it is clear that Japan did not treat the Korean Peninsula as a buffer zone, but rather actively extended its influence into the peninsula, turning it into a bridgehead for its expansion onto the mainland.

As the architects of the colonial system, the British were likely more aware than the Japanese of their continental policy and the resulting geopolitical shifts. The Japanese military's attempt to occupy southern Manchuria and refuse to leave further confirmed British suspicions. This, in turn, provoked the discontent of Morrison and Jordan, the guardians of the British Empire's order.

Even before Sir John Jordan took over as Minister to China, the Japanese had already sensed the change in British diplomats' attitudes toward Japan. Sir John Sadow, who had always been favorable toward Japan, expressed his dissatisfaction with the remarks made by Japanese diplomats in China toward Manchuria before stepping down as Minister to China.

Sir John S. Satya Nadella was a key figure in the establishment of Anglo-Japanese relations and a witness to the Meiji Restoration. He not only had many Japanese friends but also married a Japanese woman. For such a pro-Japan figure to criticize Japanese diplomacy in a diplomatic setting did indeed make many Japanese feel that the harmonious relationship between Japan and Britain seemed less pronounced than before the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was signed.

Saionji Kinmochi's demand for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to repair relations with Russia and China was essentially aimed at maintaining diplomatic alignment with Britain. Currently, Britain's diplomacy with Russia focuses on courting and helping it restore its national power, while its diplomacy with China strives to quell domestic disputes and encourage various factions within China to negotiate a peaceful reunification rather than resorting to force.

The rise of the Wuhan regime was essentially due to the Wuhan Workers' Party exploiting the Chinese people's hatred of foreign powers, thereby unifying their independent thinking and forcefully suppressing the domestic landlord class. Although the Workers' Party regime called for the expulsion of foreign troops from Chinese territory, in practice it was very cautious. Even when the Germans still occupied the Jiaozhou Bay area, Wuhan maintained close cooperation with them. Only on the issue of land reform concerning the landlord class was this regime ruthless and cold-blooded.

Therefore, the British quickly discovered that the diplomatic strategies they had previously employed in their colonies were completely ineffective against the Wuhan regime. This was because the Wuhan regime's internal control was far beyond what was found in other colonies. Strictly speaking, the regions under Wuhan's rule were no different from European countries; the power of the government and the party suppressed everything, making it virtually impossible to incite opposition within the region.

Although the British also used the power of uniting various countries to support the Manchu Qing Dynasty, the former was destroyed by the internal strife of the countries themselves, while the latter only further enhanced the prestige of the Wuhan regime and shaped it into an anti-Manchu regime.

British diplomacy toward China had to undergo a major change. China experts such as Morrison and Jordan believed that preventing a war of armed unification in China was the best way to maintain British interests in China, because there was no force in China that could rival the Wuhan regime, which was supported by German industry. Even Yuan Shikai, who had the Beiyang Army, was no match for it, because the Beiyang Army did not have an industrial center that could sustain its army in continuous combat.